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'
r HE STORY OF EXPLORATION
EDITED BY
J. SCOTT KELT IE, LL.D., Sec. R.G.S.
THE SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
BY
HUGH ROBERT MILL
The Ramparts of the South Pole
(Photograph supplied by Professor K. von Drygalski
Frontispiece .
1M
THE SIEGE OF THE
SOUTH POLE
THE STORY OF
ANTARCTIC EXPLORATION
BY
HUGH ROBERT MILL, LL.D., D.Sc.
WITH MAPS , DIAGRAMS , AND OTHER
ILL USTRA TIONS
AND MAPS BY J. G. BARTHOLOMEW
LONDON
ALSTON RIVERS, Limited
Arundel Street, W.C.
1905
TO
MY MOTHER
WHOSE LOVE OF NATURE LED ME TO SCIENTIFIC STUDY
AND TO
MY WIFE
FOR HER UNFAILING HELP
PREFACE
HIS book has been the burden of the holidays of
three years — in Switzerland, in Scotland, and in
the United States — and it expresses the result of the
reading of thirty. Though I have never been within
two thousand miles of the Antarctic Circle it has been
my good fortune to possess the personal friendship of
all, or almost all, the living explorers and promoters of
exploration in the Antarctic Regions, and I have been
privileged to speed the parting ships of every Antarctic
expedition which left a British port, from the sailing
of the Dundee fleet in 1892 to that of the Terra Nova, in
1903, though to my regret on each occasion I shared the
unhappy fate of the stowaways, and was landed before
my native shores were left behind, or at the farthest
before the tropics were reached.
I have based this history of Antarctic exploration as
far as possible on original narratives and on the conversa-
tion of the men who themselves took part in it. In this
respect I owe a special debt to three: to Sir Joseph
Hooker, the last survivor of the Erebus, who, in addition
to much other kindness, has read the proofs of the earlier
chapters, including those dealing with Sir James Clark
Ross’s expedition; to Sir John Murray, of the Chal-
lenger, whose friendship and scientific guidance for more
than twenty years have been the most effective parts of my
education ; and to His Excellency Professor Georg von
Neumayer, the charm of whose personality and the
Vll
PREFACE
viii
enthusiasm of his devotion to South Polar problems have
been a continual inspiration.
In trying to elucidate the origin as well as to describe
the events of the various expeditions, I have assumed that
from the historical point of view the motive and the aim
are as important as the resulting achievement or failure.
The story is told to the best of my power with an impartial
mind, and scrupulously follows the facts ; if any error has
been made as to the narrative it is a mistake and not due
to any bias. Where an opinion is expressed that opinion
is my own, and though I consider it right it may possibly
seem wrong to some.
The two introductory chapters dealing with voyages
which fell short of the Antarctic Circle are designedly
brief and uncritical. In them I have stated the views
of those whom I consider to be the best authorities. The
descriptions of exploration from the voyage of the Reso-
lution to that of the Challenger are more detailed because,
except for Cook’s voyage, the narratives drawn upon are
almost all out of print and difficult to consult. The later
voyages are touched on lightly, for each is described in
one or several authoritative narratives recently published,
and to be found everywhere. The names of these works
are given in the Appendix.
In selecting and arranging for the illustrations I have
been greatly helped by the Editor of this series, my old
colleague, Dr. J. Scott Keltie. The unique picture of
Admiral Bellingshausen was secured by the kind repre-
sentations made to the Head of the Russian Admiralty
by my friend Colonel J. de Shokalsicy of St. Peters-
burg. Captain R. F. Scott of the Discovery, Profes-
sor E. von Drygalski of the Gauss, Dr. Otto Norden-
sicjold of the Antarctic, M. Arctowski of the Belgica,
PREFACE
IX
and Mr. W. S. Bruce, of the Scotia, have generously
allowed photographs taken by them to be reproduced.
Captain Scott and Mr. Bruce have also been kind
enough to read the proofs of the portions of Chapter XX
dealing with their expeditions. There are many
others to whom I am grateful for help, espe-
cially my friends Mr. E. Heawood, Librarian of the
Royal Geographical Society, whose patience I have too
frequently called into lively exercise, and Mr. J. G.
Bartholomew for his cooperation in the preparation of
the maps; to Captain A. Mostyn Field, the liydrog-
rapher to the Admiralty, who kindly aided me in settling
several historical points, and to Mr. P. L. Davis, of the
Nautical Almanac Office, for a copy of the valuable letter
written by his father, the late Captain Davis, R. N., when
on the Terror.
This book does not profess or attempt to describe the
Antarctic Regions or their peculiar conditions; it is
merely the record of an uncompleted episode in the
history of geographical exploration.
H. R. M.
62 Camden Square,
London, N. W.,
15th July, 1905*
,v
1
CONTENTS
Preface vii
I The Origin of the Idea i
II The Intellectual Sleep and the Awakening . . io
III Searching for the South Land 28
IV The Achievement of James Cook 56
V American Sealers in the South 91
VI Bellingshausen's Antarctic Voyage . . . . 114
VII Weddell's Farthest 131
VIII Enderby Brothers and the Antarctic .... 146
IX The Dawn of the Victorian Era 174
X Dumont D’Urville and the French Dashes
toward the South Pole 193
XI Charles Wilkes and the United States Ex-
ploring Expedition 211
XII James Clark Ross 249
XIII The Discovery of Victoria Land 262
XIV Hairbreadth Escapes in the Ice 289
XV The Last Antarctic Voyage of the Erebus and
Terror 3*4
XVI The Generation of Averted Interest 327
XVII The Challenger 344
XVIII Steam Whalers Bound South 362
XIX The First Antarctic Night 383
XX Early Expeditions of the Twentieth Century 406
XXI The Raising of the Siege 433
Appendix : The Principal Antarctic Voyages Chronologically
Arranged, with References to the Literature of the
Subj ect 443
Index 45 1
XI
i
/ ^
ILLUSTRATIONS
The South Polar Regions. Coloured Map by
J. G. Bartholomew End of Volume
The Ramparts of the South Pole. (Photograph
supplied by Professor E. von Drygalski.) . Frontispiece
The World According to Homer Page 2
The World According to Herodotus Facing p. 4
The Habitable World and the Globe According to
Strabo and Pomponius Mela
The World According to Ptolemy
The Theory of Impassable Zones Page
Diagram of Spherical Earth, with no Antipodes.
(After Rainaud.)
The Earth, According to Cosmas Indicopleustes . . “
Wheel-Map of the Twelfth Century. (From Nor-
denskiold’s Facsimile Atlas.)
The Map of Macrobius
The Sea Route to India on an Early Map. (From
Nordenskiold’s Facsimile Atlas.)
The Continuous Southern Ocean. (From Norden-
skiold’s Facsimile Atlas.)
The Map of Orontius, Southern Hemisphere.
(Frcm Nordenskiold’s Facsimile Atlas.) . .
Typical Antarctic Iceberg. (Photograph supplied
by Professor E. von Drygalski.) ....
Dalrymple’s Chart of the South Pacific, 1764
Alexander Dalrymple
Captain James Cook
Cook’s Tracks near Bouvet Island Page
The Ice Islands of the Antarctic (From Cook’s
“ Second Voyage.”) Facing p.
Royal Bay, Isle of Georgia. (From Cook’s
“ Second Voyage.”)
Cook’s Chart of the Isle of Georgia Page
Elephant Island, one of the South Shetlands.
(From D’Urville’s Atlas.) Facing p. 94
xiii
6
8
8
12
13
14
16
19
Facing p. 24
26
46
50
58
64
70
72
80
80
XIV
ILLUSTRATIONS
Powell’s Chart of the South Shetlands . . . Facing p.
The Meeting of Palmer and Bellingshausen.
(From Fanning’s “Voyages Round the
World.”)
Benjamin Morrell, Jr
Admiral Bellingshausen. (From a Portrait in the
Library of the Imperial Naval Department in
St. Petersburg.)
The Vostok and Mirni off Macquarie Island.
(From Bellingshausen’s Atlas.)
Peter I. Island and Alexander I. Land. (From
Bellingshausen’s Atlas.)
James Weddell. (From a Painting in the Library
of the Royal Geographical Society.) ....
Weddell’s Seal, Leptonychotes Weddelli. (i)
From Weddell’s “Voyage Towards the South
Pole.” (2) From the “ British Museum Re-
ports on the Southern Cross Collections” . “
The Jane and Beaufoy at Weddell’s Farthest.
(From Weddell’s “Voyage Towards the
South Pole.”)
The Balleny Islands (From a Sketch by John
McNab.)
General Sir Edward Sabine, K. C. B. (From a
Painting in the Rooms of the Royal Society.)
Baron von Humboldt “
Synoptic Diagram of the Early Victorian Expedi-
tions “
Admiral Dumont D’Urville. (From D’Urville’s
Atlas.) u
The Astrolabe and Zelee in the Ice. (From
D’Urville’s Atlas.) “
D’Urville’s Expedition Amongst the Ice Islands.
(From D’Urville’s Atlas.) “
Hoisting the French Flag on Adelie Land.
(From D’Urville’s Atlas.) “
Lieutenant Charles Wilkes, U. S. N., Command-
ing the United States Exploring Expedition.
(From the Narrative of the Expedition.) “
Ringgold’s Knoll. (From the Narrative of the U.
S. Exploring Expedition.) Page
98
100
106
116
124
128
132
134
138
170
180
184
192
194
200
202
206
214
228
ILLUSTRATIONS
Peacock Bay in the Ice Barrier Page
The Peacock in Peril. (From the Narrative of
the U. S. Exploring Expedition.) .... Facing p.
View of the Antarctic Continent from an Ice
Island on February 14, 1840. (From the Nar-
rative of the U. S. Exploring Expedition.)
Facsimile of Part of the Chart Given by Wilkes
to Ross, with the Tracks of the Erebus and
Terror, and of the Discovery, added . . .
Sir James Clark Ross. (From a Water-colour in
the Possession of the Royal Geographical
Society.)
Sir Joseph Dalton Hooker, G. C. S. I. (From a
Pen and Ink Sketch by T. B. Wirgmann.) .
Iceberg in Ross Sea. (Photograph taken by the
National Antarctic Expedition on Board the
Discovery.)
Admiralty Range. (Photograph taken by the Na-
tional Antarctic Expedition.)
Possession Island. (From Ross’s “Voyage to the
Southern Seas.”)
Penguin Hunting. (From Ross’s “Voyage to the
Southern Seas.”)
View of the Great Southern Barrier. (From
Ross’s “Voyage to the Southern Seas.”) .
Ross’s Chart of the Great Southern Barrier with
the Track of the Discovery Added . . .
The Ertbus and Terror in a Gale in the Pack.
(From Ross’s “Voyage to the Southern
Seas.”)
The Erebus and Terror in Collision. (From
Ross’s “Voyage to the Southern Seas.”) .
Davis’s Diagram of the Collision between the
Erebus and Terror Page
His Excellency Geheimrath Professor Georg
von Neumayer Facing p.
Sir John Murray, K. C. B., of the Challenger.
(Photograph by Messrs. Thomson, London.)
The Miller-Casella Deep-Sea Thermometer .... Page
Outer Case of Miller-Casella Deep-Sea Ther-
mometer
XV
232
232
240
246
250
254
270
274
276
276
280
284
296
310
3il
338
348
354
355
XVI
ILLUSTRATIONS
H. M. S. Challenger after Collision with an Ice-
berg. (From the Challenger Narrative.) .
Lieutenant A. de Gerlache
Typical Landscape of the Palmer Archipelego.
(Photograph by the Belgian Antarctic Expe-
dition.)
Carstens Egeberg Borchgrevink. (Photograph
by Messrs. Thomson, London.)
Synoptic Diagram of the First Two Expeditions
Wintering in the Antarctic
Penguins, near Cape Crozier. (Photograph sup-
plied by Captain Scott.)
Bouvet Island. (Photograph Taken on Board the
Valdivia.)
Sir Clements R. Markham, K. C. B. (Photo-
graph by Messrs. Thomson, London.) . . .
Captain R. F. Scott, R. N., C. V. O. (Photograph
by Messrs. Thomson, London.)
The Discovery Alongside the Barrier. (Photo-
graph supplied by Captain Scott.) ....
McMurdo Strait. (From a Photograph taken by
the National Antarctic Expedition.) . . .
Professor Erich von Drygalski. (Photograph
by Messrs. Thomson, London.)
The Gauss under Sail. (Photograph supplied
by Professor E. von Drygalski.) ....
The Gaussberg, Kaiser Wilhelm II. Land. (Pho-
tograph supplied by Professor E. von Dry-
galski.)
Dr. Otto Nordenskjold
The Antarctic in Cumberland Bay, South Georgia.
(Photograph supplied by Dr. Otto Nor-
denskjold.)
William S. Bruce. (Photograph by Messrs.
Thomson, London.)
The Scotia in the Pack. (Photograph supplied
by the Scottish Antarctic Expedition.) . .
Synoptic Diagram of the First Antarctic Expedi-
tions of the Twentieth Century ....
Facing p. 358
38 4
" 388
" 394
. • Page 397
Facing p. 400
404
406
408
412
416
418
420
422
424
" 426
“ 428
“ 430
. Page 430
Siege of the South Pole
CHAPTER I
THE ORIGIN OF THE IDEA
“A wanderer is Man from his birth.
He was born in a ship on the breast of the river of Time
Brimming with wonder and joy . . .”
— Matthew Arnold.
VOYAGES towards the South Pole commenced so
long ago, and they have exercised an influence on
the trend of exploration so continuously, that a com-
plete history of the search for the Antarctic would almost
be a history of geographical discovery.
The particular motive to Antarctic exploration has
varied from age to age as the special problem it was ex-
pected to solve has changed with the growth of knowl-
edge and the development of thought. When first stated
the problem was no more than a philosophical specula-
tion, a mere academic thesis interesting a few learned
men. It grew to be a burning question in the struggle
of rival Powers for commercial and political supremacy.
It was a force in empire-building, with the Common-
wealth of Australia as a product of its partial solution.
The period of stress and strife has passed with the strenu-
ous lives of the circumnavigators ; but a time of renewed
interest of a quieter sort has come when it is particularly
appropriate to turn a backward glance toward the be-
2 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
The Antarctic problem has now crystallised into an
object of scientific research, the results of which may
indeed become practically useful, but in a manner too
uncertain and remote to be a leading motive. Its solu-
tion has been reduced to the result of exploration in the
ice, and the final result will round out the knowledge of
the globe into completeness and will leave no spot of
Earth unknown. When the story of the Antarctic can be
fully told T err a Incognita will cumber the map no more.
At the dawn of geographical history an antarctic prob-
lem was impossible because the Earth was viewed as a
flat disc girdled by the Ocean River and bounded by
darkness. Curiously enough the name became possible
before the idea. When the early Greek students of the
stars, looking out hour after hour and night after night
on the wheeling vault overhead, classified the brightest
THE ORIGIN OF THE IDEA 3
points into groups or constellations they named the most
conspicuous of these which never set Arctos — the Bear — •
and the point round which it, in common with the rest of
the heavenly host, appeared to turn was called the Arctic
pole. The natural antithesis of an antarctic pole of the
heavens, that is, a fixed point opposite the arctic , must
have occurred to many minds, for it was easy in imagi-
nation to complete the sphere of the celestial vault, traced
out in part by the unseen portion of the circuit of the
stars, but the flat cake of the habitable world stretched
between, separating the domain of light and possible
knowledge from that of darkness and the unknowable.
The dark and gloomy space under the Earth traversed
only by the souls of the dead on their way to Hades, was
known as Erebus , a place of terror, used ages later by
Shakespeare as a fit metaphor for the man that had no
music in his soul.
We cannot attempt here to discuss all the modern views
as to the growth and decay of the ancient theories to
which we must refer, but from the immense literature
which has flourished upon the resulting soil we will at-
tempt to show how the mind of all ages has exercised
itself upon this particular problem. The narrative is not
critically exact, for it claims only to afford a basis on
which the efforts of modern explorers may be seen in
their relation to the gradual unfolding of human knowl-
edge regarding the Earth.
Herodotus made merry over the absurdity of the round
disc of the habitable Earth put forth in the descriptions of
Hecataeus. As a traveller and a lover of truth he knew
that travellers had been able to get farther from west to
east than from north to south about the Mediterranean as
a centre, and he was content with this knowledge.
4 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
The speculations of the Pythagorean philosophers were
not restrained by trammels of fact or experience, and rely-
ing on general principles they contemplated the probability
of the Earth being a sphere because the sphere was the
most perfect form, and the abode of Man the perfection of
creation ought also to be perfect of its kind. In this con-
ception of ideal perfection and symmetry we find the first
principle of geographical theory ; Herodotus himself had
made large use of it in tracing out the course of the rivers
of Africa by comparison with those of Europe. If the
Earth were spherical the long narrow belt of the Habitable
World could occupy only a small portion of its surface.
Was the Ocean River to be extended into a huge continu-
ous sheet enveloping all the rest? The idea was con-
trary to Greek reason. Symmetry demanded other
worlds breaking up the dreary voids of ocean on which
the mind could not otherwise dwell in comfort. If the
new form of the Earth could be entertained by reasonable
people there was no reason why there should not be an-
other Habitable World under the Antarctic pole of the
heavens to balance that which lay under the Arctic pole.
So with the possibility of a spherical Earth the Antarctic
problem had its birth.
It is a far cry from a poetical fancy to an established
fact. Many minds could entertain the fancy, however
novel it might be, but only one or two in all the ages of
human history could test the fancy as to whether it was
fact or not. Aristotle, the intellectual giant who founded
so much of modern science, demonstrated the truth of
the spherical form of the Earth and some of his proofs
enunciated three and a half centuries before the begin-
ning of our era still hold their place in the school-books
of to-day. According to Aristotle the Earth was a sphere
H E RODOTUS
a: n
*4
1 J JZ V 7 X V
Thk World accord i no to Hkrodotus.
THE ORIGIN OF THE IDEA 5
because of the tendency of matter to fall together to a
common centre, and it was proved to be a sphere by the
fact that no other form could always throw a circular
shadow on the moon during an eclipse, and because on no
other form of Earth could the shifting of the horizon be
explained as one travelled from north to south and saw
the old familiar stars drop out of sight, while new con-
stellations rose into view.
This stupendous discovery of the true form of the
Earth brought in its train others of equal magnitude. A
spherical Earth in the centre of a spherical heaven
studded with constellations of invariable form was no
longer an unknown trackless waste. The stars were
landmarks everywhere, for by noting the height of the
celestial pole above the horizon the traveller could tell
how far he was north or south of the middle line or
equator which could be imagined as dividing the globe
into halves. And it followed that a distance on the sur-
face that corresponded to an increase or decrease of the
elevation of the celestial pole by one degree must be
exactly one three-hundred-and-sixtieth of the whole cir-
cumference of the Earth. It would suffice then to measure
the length in miles or yards of that distance and multiply
by 360 to know the size of the globe and so to calculate
the exact dimensions and position of the Habitable World
surrounding the Mediterranean and the distance it would
be necessary to sail over the ocean to come from its west
coast to its east or from its north coast to its south. All
this was clear to the minds of Aristotle and his followers,
but there were innumerable difficulties to be overcome
before the established theory could be applied to elicit
new facts. Though latitude could easily be reckoned
from the altitude of the pole by night, or that of the sun
6 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
at noon, there was no such easy method of finding longi-
tude, because there was no time-keeper by which a travel-
ler could carry with him the time of an initial meridian.
The instruments for finding latitude were also clumsy in
the extreme, and the method most in use for centuries
was that of noting the length of the longest day. It was
difficult, for these reasons, to lay out a line due north and
south, the ends of which could be fixed with any precision
in order to measure the size of the Earth; hence it is
amazing how very near the estimate of such a mathema-
tician as Eratosthenes came to the truth.
When the shape and size of the Earth became known
the main problem of geography was completely altered ;
it was no longer the question of the possibility of an
antarctic region existing; but the possibility of reaching
it. The problem, in fact, was the wider one of the dis-
tribution of land and water, of climate and the means
of travelling, the antarctic problem of to-day being but
the unsolved residue of the larger problem.
The estimates of Eratosthenes (about 250 B. C.) made
it apparent that the Habitable World of the Greeks occu-
pied only about one-quarter of the surface of the sphere.
It seems a limited World to us, though vast enough to
those whose swiftest means of transport were the horse
and the galley. Controversy was active amongst the
Greek philosophers as to the plan of the Earth. The
Stoics upheld the continuity of the ocean and viewed the
Habitable World as one out of four large islands placed
symmetrically upon the sphere, one to balance the other.
Nature loved life, so those three unknown Worlds were
also inhabited and it was easy to fit the hypothetical peo-
ples with appropriate and expressive names according to
their position with regard to the Old World, the Antoken,
THE WORLD THE WORLD
according to attording to
STRABO MELA
AD. 18 A.D. -V3
THE ORIGIN OF THE IDEA 7
Perioken and Antipodes. Strabo and Pomponius Mela
at a much later date gave expression to this view.
But the rival philosophers following the lead of Hip-
parchus ridiculed a theory founded on no better basis
than the principle of symmetry, and relying on a state-
ment of the Chaldean astronomer, Seleukos, that the
Indian ocean was tideless (a statement entirely contrary
to fact) argued that the land was really continuous and
the seas occupied enclosed basins within it, of which the
Caspian was one of the smallest. How this idea of
Seleukos outweighed the historical circumstance men-
tioned by Herodotus that a Phoenician expedition had
circumnavigated Africa by the south we cannot tell.
The fact remains that the Alexandrian School took up
the theory of continuous land and that Ptolemy, the
greatest teacher of that School, and the ultimate reposi-
tory of the Geography of the Greeks, embodied it in his
celebrated map. Thus it happened that his error changed
the direction and retarded the progress of geographical
discovery for twelve hundred years after his death.
Anyone who reads the laborious arguments by which
the ancient philosophers buttressed their fancies as to
other habitable worlds and their people must be struck
by the v^st amount of admirable controversy which might
have been rendered unnecessary by a few expeditions
carried out with the determination which characterised
the Greek wars. One reason of this apparent lack of
enterprise was undoubtedly the general acceptance of the
existence of zones of climates, which was an important
truth but poisoned by the exaggerated intensity of the
climates attributed to the extreme zones.
Without going fully into the question of the zones it is
enough to say that even when the flat-Earth theory pre-
8 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
vailed it was recognised that far to the north of the
pleasant temperate zone, which included the Mediter-
ranean lands, there was a frigid zone of frightful cold,
and to the south a torrid zone of frightful heat. The ac-
ceptance of the spherical theory of the Earth involved the
duplication of these zones in the southern hemisphere
and their continuation as unbroken rings round the globe.
It was very generally held that the frigid zones were unfit
for habitation on account of the cold, and the torrid zone
on account of the heat, while the temperate zones alone
were habitable. Hence the Habitable World of the north
temperate zone was separated from the Antichthone or
habitable world of the south temperate zone by the burn-
ing torrid belt, in which, as the equator was approached
the heat and dryness of the Sahara grew worse and
worse, until all life became impossible. The two habit-
able worlds were believed to be separated by an impassa-
Ptolemy Map.
THE ORIGIN OF THE IDEA 9
ble gulf of unendurable heat; the sea was alive with
whales of incredible size, and monsters defying descrip-
tion; it was thick with floating weed through which a
ship could not make way, and notwithstanding the in-
tensity of the solar heat by day and the fire thrown down
by the stars at night, it was veiled in a perpetual stifling
fog. All these exaggerations have so clear a basis of
truth that we can hardly acquit the Phoenician sailormen,
who traded far into the tropics, of wilfully heightening
the discomforts of the doldrums, the terrors of equatorial
thunder-storms and of the dust clouds blown from the
Sahara, in order to maintain their monopoly.
Whether the southern hemisphere were held to consist
mainly of land or of water the terrors of the torrid zone
supply a sufficient explanation of the failure of the early
explorers to penetrate it. At the same time there is evi-
dence that before the growth of the torrid myth some
voyages to the south had been undertaken with success.
It may be that Ophir was in the southern hemisphere ; it
is practically certain that Africa was circumnavigated by
the Phoenicians and that other early travellers had sailed
far southward along the east coast of that continent.
But these achievements were forgotten, and the legacy
of Greek wisdom to Christendom was the fact that the
Earth is a globe and the belief that the southern hemi-
sphere of that globe contained habitable land which could
never be reached.
CHAPTER II
THE INTELLECTUAL SLEEP AND THE AWAKENING
“ Let things be — not seem.
I council rather, — do, and nowise dream!
Earth’s young significance is all to learn:
The dead Greek lore lies buried in the urn
Where who seeks fire finds ashes.”
— Robert Browning.
iT^THER interests filled the troubled Middle Ages, the
Greek language with the works of Aristotle and
Ptolemy were almost forgotten in Christendom, and
the results of Greek learning were kept alive only in the
Moslem world. The Antarctic problem disturbed no
man’s rest, and fired the fancy or adventure of no one.
The churchmen detected a fruitful source of heresy in
the idea of a spherical Earth, and after a while found it
contrary to Scripture ; but it is pleasant to note that the
Venerable Bede maintained the true view in England.
In the first enthusiasm of Christianity worldly knowledge
was brushed aside as not being essential to salvation.
St. Basil, who did not himself deny the sphericity of the
Earth, said:
“ Of what importance is it to know whether the Earth
is a sphere, a cylinder, a disc or a concave surface?
What is of importance is to know how I should conduct
myself towards myself, towards my fellowman and to-
wards God.”
Perhaps it was the belief in Antipodes, human beings
inhabiting the side of the Earth opposite to the known
IO
SLEEP AND AWAKENING
ii
world, that was most obnoxious to the Christian Fathers.
From the theological point of view belief in the existence
of vast inaccessible lands inhabited by millions of people
raised exactly the same difficulties as in the case of belief
in the other planets being also inhabited. Were there
separate Divine revelations to these people, were there
separate Atonements?
Thus the Antarctic problem became an element in theo-
logical controversy. St. Augustine met the difficulty
in a philosophical spirit by distinguishing between dem-
onstrated facts and mere speculation and his argument
is worth quoting in the following translation from De
Civitate Dei , kindly made by Dr. Sutherland Black:
“ Further, as touching what they fable, that there are
antipodes — that is to say, that on the opposite side of the
Earth, where the sun rises when he sets to us, men plant
[their] footsteps opposite to our feet — it is by no means
to be believed. Nor, indeed, do they [v/ho so allege]
maintain that they have learned this by any historical
knowledge, but, so to speak, they conjecture it by a pro-
cess of reasoning [to the effect] that the Earth is sus-
pended between the vaults of the sky and that the world
occupies at one and the same time the lowest and the inter-
mediate position, and from this they form the opinion that
the other half of the Earth which is below cannot possibly
be without human inhabitants. But they fail to observe
that even although the world be believed, or even in some
sort shown, to be of a rounded and spherical form, it does
not, therefore, follow that the Earth also in that part is
free from the accumulation of waters; nor yet even
should it be thus free, would it forthwith follow of neces-
sity that it should be peopled. For in no way does the
scripture lie which when it relates the past produces
12 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
confidence in that its predictions are being fulfilled, and it
is too absurd that it should be said that certain men had
been able, the immensity of Ocean traversed, to sail from
this side and arrive at the other so that there also the
human race should be set up from that one first
man. . .
To Augustine the trouble seemed to be to understand
how the Antipodes could be descended from Adam, and
the completeness of his theory as to the constitution of
the City of God required that all men should be descended
through Noah from Adam. His suggestion that the
other side of the world might be entirely covered with
Spherical Earth with no Antipodes.
(After Rainaud.)
water was worked out in a mediaeval spherical Earth
which could harbour no Antipodes, being devised on the
principle that the lithosphere or solid globe need not be
concentric with the hydrosphere or globe of waters. But
centuries before inis ingenious plan of avoiding the the-
SLEEP AND AWAKENING 13
ological difficulty was arrived at the spherical Earth was
banished from Christendom on the plea that it was in
contradiction to Scripture.
Lactantius early in the fourth century covered with
ridicule those who could believe in so monstrous a con-
ception as a spherical Earth, and without using any ar-
gument save “ It is written ” he denounced the whole
theory as a Greek invention. Cosmas Indicopleustes, a
monk who had travelled to India and could not reconcile
his own observations with a flat Earth, set himself in the
sixth century to the hopeless task of constructing an
Earth out of his own head on the model of the Jewish
tabernacle with a prodigious conical mountain in the
midst for the sun to rise from and set behind.
The Earth According to Cosmas Indicopleustes.
It is an unedifying story. The temporary result was
that in the mind of Europe the Earth became once more
as flat as a pancake, and the wheel-maps of the Middle
Ages reverted to the circular disc of the earliest Greeks.
The Antarctic problem, after being stigmatised as heresy,
i4 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
had been crushed out of existence. How serious the
heresy was may be gathered from the fact that in the
year 741 Pope Zacharias excommunicated an Irish priest
named Virgil because he taught the doctrine of Antip-
odes “ admitting the existence of souls who shared
Wkeel-Map of the Twelfth Century.
(From Nordenskiold’s Facsimile Atlas.)
neither the sin of Adam nor the redemption of Christ”
The bold Irishman probably recognised the truth of
Augustine’s argument and thought it unnecessary to suf-
SLEEP AND AWAKENING 15
fer to the utmost in support of a speculative fancy, for
after twenty years he was consecrated Bishop of Salz-
burg, a pretty strong proof of his recantation.
The reign of Papal authority lasted long, but from
time to time the ancient ideas found expression. Ptol-
emy's views leaked back into current thought from the
tenth century onward through the Arabic translations
brought to Europe by the Moors and made known by
the writings of Isidore of Seville. Occasionally a specu-
lative monk in drawing a wheel-map extended it far be-
yond the limits of the Old World, and like Macrobius
represented some possibility of a southern temperate and
even of a southern frigid zone. Speculation revived as
to the existence of Antipodes to the west as well as Antip-
odes to the south. Roger Bacon, so far before his age
in all that concerned natural science, openly declared his
belief in them, and of course in the spherical form of the
Earth.
The travels of Marco Polo opened the eyes of the
awakening intellect of Europe to the immense eastward
extension of the Old World, and made it clear for the
first time that the Torrid Zone was no barrier of fire, but
a path for Chinese and Arab trade in the far east of Asia
and along the east coast of Africa. Marco Polo prepared
the way for the translation of Ptolemy made by Angeles
in 1410. The world was ready for this revelation and
there is something of pathos in the sight of the first leaders
of thought in modem Europe eagerly welcoming as the
latest advance the work of the last of the Greeks. Long
before this, isolated writers, such as Moses, a converted
Spanish Jew, in the eleventh century, Michael Scott, the
astrologer and reputed wizard, and Albert Trismegistus,
the alchymist, had urged that the Torrid Zone was not
16 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
impassable on account of heat, and that it might be trav-
ersed though with great difficulty.
Europe at last became fully awake. In every depart-
ment of intellectual activity the idle disputations in which
the learning of the Schoolmen had its end were being dis-
carded. Facts of natural science were no longer an-
The Map of Macrobius.
swered according to the letter of Aristotle, but according
to his spirit by direct appeal to nature. The art of
navigation had greatly improved, the Northmen had dis-
covered new lands far in the west, the compass had been
invented, or adopted from the Chinese, and as a final spur
to action the power of Mohammedanism passed from the
cultivated Arab to the sanguinary and ignorant Turk.
SLEEP AND AWAKENING 17
This change was one of the most remarkable of the
whole renaissance. The Turk burnt the Alexandrine
library and the Pope admitted the sphericity of the Earth ;
the sceptre of intellect passed by these acts from Islam to
Christendom, and the way was reopened to attack the
problem of the Antarctic. The shifting of the balance
of power began to press heavily on trade. The routes to
the Far East were blocked by the Turk; but the products
of the Far East had become indispensable to Europe.
The possibility of a sea-passage to India became a press-
ing affair, and Ptolemy’s Terra Incognita uniting the
south of Africa with the Malay peninsula would bar the
way; but here it appears that the early European geog-
raphers were not altogether inclined to follow Ptolemy,
and many even of the wheel-maps show the Indian Ocean
open to the south.
The problem of the sea-route to the East absorbed the
attention of the Portuguese Prince Henry, of English de-
scent on his mother’s side, whose life-long efforts to pro-
mote maritime enterprise gained for him the surname of
The Navigator. With the advent of Prince Plenry we
pass from speculation to exploration, and thanks to his
vigorous initiative the clouds of ignorance which had
obscured three-quarters of the Earth’s surface for mil-
lenniums, began to roll away.
It is scarcely possible in the twentieth century for us
to understand the horror of the unknown ocean which
haunted the seafarers of the Mediterranean even so late
as the beginning of the fifteenth century. It would seem
as if the fancies of the ancient Greeks had expanded in
vagueness and terror during the intellectual sleep until
they became veritable nightmares. West of the Pillars
of Hercules the portals of the pleasant Mediterranean,
18 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
where every coast-line had been neatly and accurately
charted there lay an infinite expanse of water, but south-
ward as the Torrid Zone was approached the sea became
covered with darkness, the waves rose to mountain height,
the wind dropped calm, the water itself evaporated into a
saline mud in which dwelt monsters of indescribable size
and variety. Blackest horror of all, the huge hand of
the Devil himself would be thrust up above the boiling
sea groping for wandering ships; one of the fantastic
islands in the Atlantic on a mediaeval map bears the title,
de la man de Satanaxio . We hear at the present day of
the superstitions of sailors, and multiplying these super-
stitions by the centuries which have passed since Prince
Henry organised his pioneer exploration, we can dimly
apprehend what the courage of the old mariners was,
nerving them to contend against far greater obstacles
than those interposed by Nature.
Year after year, from 1418 until he died in 1460, Prince
Henry sent out his ships under stout skippers trained at
his naval observatory at Sagres in the knowledge of
Ptolemy and the Arabs, and posted up in all the informa-
tion brought back by their contemporaries. The farthest
south of these days was Cape Nun (28° 46' N.) long held
impassable ; it was passed by Gil Eannes in 1433 or J434-
Ten years later the dreary harbourless coast of the Great
Desert was passed and the name of Cape Verde, the Green
Cape, testifies to the joy and surprise of the navigators in
their discovery that the Torrid Zone was not all Sahara,
but contained fertile and inhabited land. The Navigator
died long before the achievement of crossing the equator
by one of the ships which followed voluntarily in the
track which he had opened with the labour of a life-time.
This occurred abo^t 1470.
SLEEP AND AWAKENING 19
In 1487 Bartholomew Diaz sailed from Lisbon with
three ships to look for the mythical Prester John in
Ethiopia. He crossed the whole breadth of the Torrid
Zone and his crew, first amongst sailors, realised the truth
of the scientific deduction that a second Temperate zone
lay beyond. After erecting a monument at Cape Voltas
The Sea Route to India. An Early Map.
(From Nordenskiold’s Facsimile Atlas.)
(26° S.) Diaz was driven by a storm far out into the South
Atlantic and for thirteen days his flotilla was at the mercy
of the winds. The weather grew bitterly :cold and his
men might well believe they had crossed the Temperate
zone as well and were driving towards the new terror of
a South Frigid Zone, for they were in the great current
partly of Antarctic, partly of abysmal oceanic water
20 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
which wells up against the southwest coast of Africa and
streams northward along the land. When the storm was
over Diaz steered east to meet the coast, but after some
days seeing no land he altered his course to the northward
and anchored in Algoa Bay. There is no doubt that he had
reached and passed the fortieth parallel of south latitude
before making the south coast of Africa. To his delight,
but to the alarm of his crew, the coast continued to trend
eastward, and but for the inevitable mutiny that played a
part in almost every voyage of the period Diaz would
have anticipated Vasco da Gama in discovering the sea-
route to India. He opened the way to it, however, by
showing that Africa had undoubtedly a southern termi-
nation in a temperate climate, where there were living
people, those very Antipodes to believe in whom had for
centuries been the rankest heresy.
How far Prince Henry knew that Africa was a great
peninsula before he began his efforts to sail round it we
cannot say. There are rumours of a chart of oriental
origin showing the Cape of Good Hope and a route round
it to India; there is little doubt that the Arab traders
on the east coast of Africa knew that there was free water
communication to the southwest; and on Fra Mauro’s
map of 1495 Africa was shown free to the south. There
is, however, all the difference in the world between vague
report and actual demonstration, and nothing that has
been discovered as to prior knowledge can detract from
the credit due to the Portuguese for their magnificent
perseverance in pushing their way to the farthest south.
They proved that long voyages were possible, that the
dangers of navigation on the high seas were far less than
had been supposed, and they brought home proofs of the
form of the Earth that even the common sailor and the
SLEEP AND AWAKENING 21
man in the street of those days could not fail to under-
stand.
From the last years of the fifteenth century the Church
encouraged maritime exploration and it would be hard to
say whether missionary zeal or commercial enterprise or
political ambition was the strongest motive power in the
great age of discovery which was now inaugurated.
The voyage of Vasco da Gama in 1497 gave a definite
outline to Africa and shattered any lurking suspicion that
the Terra Incognita of Ptolemy might possibly be at-
tached to that continent. Columbus had meanwhile sailed
westward and found what he believed to be a short cut
to India, with some indications of an extensive land to
the south of the West Indies which he supposed to be
the extreme southeast of Asia. On his outward voyage
Vasco da Gama discovered that by sailing southwest from
Cape Verde he could make use of the northeast trade
winds and then turning southward, get across the belt
of calms where it was narrow, and into the westerly air
current, which would carry him round the Cape of Good
Hope, and he advised his successor, Cabral, to take that
route. In following these instructions Cabral found him-
self farther west than he had intended and discovered
what he took to be a new island which he named Terra
Santa Cruz. One of his ships returned to Lisbon with
the news while Cabral continued his voyage to India.
Two expeditions were sent out in 1501 and 1503 by
the King of Portugal to explore the new island, and a
Florentine named Amerigo Vespucci took part in each.
Vespucci wrote an account of the voyages and although
he was neither the leader of the expeditions nor a Por-
tuguese his name became attached to the new land in the
form America. Controversy has raged about the char-
22 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
acter of Vespucci, who is hailed on the one hand as a
gifted discoverer, and on the other as a lying adventurer.
Possibly he was only a very ordinary person writing
with the uncritical carelessness of an amateur on matters
which interested him, but which he did not fully under-
stand. Anyhow his letters are all that remain as a record
of the expeditions and from them we learn that on reach-
ing the coast of the New World between 50 and 8° S.
the first expedition in 1501 found that Santa Cruz was
no island but the coast of Brazil, evidently part of a
great continent, which was followed far to the south.
Vespucci declared that he had reached 520 S., being
driven by a great storm, and there discovered a bleak in-
hospitable land with steep cliffs, rendering a landing im-
possible, but the weather was too foggy to admit of fur-
ther exploration. Unfortunately for himself Vespucci
made the remark that at that latitude the night was fif-
teen hours long ; but for a night of fifteen hours on April
2nd (his assigned date) it is necessary to be in latitude
72 0 S., and he certainly was not there. It seems most
probable that the land seen was some part of the Pata-
gonian coast.
O11 the second voyage of the Portuguese (in 1503)
their instructions were to follow the coast of Brazil
southward and search for a passage to the west in order
to reach the much desired goal of the spice islands of
the Moluccas; but it was unsuccessful and reached no
farther south than 20° S.
An interesting expedition followed the second voyage
of Vespucci, the first in which a non-Iberian nation took
part. A Norman noble the Sieur de Gonneville being at
Lisbon was fired with the stories of the wealth of the
Far East, and, securing the services of two Portuguese
SLEEP AND AWAKENING
23
sailors who had already made the voyage to India, he
set out for that brilliant goal in the Espoir of Honfleur.
Two months after he had crossed the equator he per-
ceived signs of land in floating seaweeds and believed he
was approaching the Cape of Good Hope. A violent
storm sprang up and drove the ship back into the zone
of calms, and two months later (presumably after resum-
ing the southward course) land was sighted and a
landing made. From this Southern Land de Gonneville
brought a native back to France about whose subsequent
fate picturesque tales are told. He is said to have
married a French lady of noble family and his descend-
ants more than two centuries later are reported to have
set sail in search of their remote fatherland. Theoreti-
cal geographers have located de Gonneville’s Southern
Land in Australia, Africa, Madagascar, North America
and South America as it suited their views ; the balance
of probability seems to point to southern Brazil as the
real landfall.
In 1514 two Portuguese ships returned to Lisbon from
the coast of America. They belonged to the great com-
mercial house of Haro but their captains are unknown.
Tht only record of the voyage is a long report written
by the Lisbon agent of the famous German firm of
Fugger in Augsburg in whose archives the original MS.
was recently found. It had been printed at the time
under the title of “ Copia der Newen Zeytung aus
Presillgt Landt,” and became widely known. The gist
of the “ new tidings from Brazil land ” is that the south-
ern extremity of America was found by Haro’s ships in
40 0 S. and that to the south of the broad channel washing
the cape appeared the coast of the great South Land, i
There was naturally keen rivalry, political, commer-
24 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
cial and religious between the Portuguese and the
Spanish explorers and at an early date they had appealed
to the Pope to settle their disputes. This the Pope did
by assigning the eastern hemisphere to Portugal and the
western to Spain, the meridian separating the two
passing through the Atlantic. The famous Line of De-
marcation was not easily adjusted to suit both parties
but in its final form it was the meridian of 46° W. in
the Atlantic and 1340 E. on the other side of the globe.
Thus it came about that the fruits of Cabral’s discovery
so far as a route to the Spice Islands were concerned fell
to the share of Spain, and it was from Spain that the
greatest hero of this great age of discovery set sail, al-
though he was himself a Portuguese, Ferdinand Magellan.
Magellan sailed in September, 1519, found the coast
of Brazil in the neighbourhood of Rio de Janeiro in
December, coasted southward, and very carefully ex-
amined the broad opening of the Rio de la Plata by which
he had hoped, probably on the strength of the “ Newen
Zeytung aus Presillgt Landt,” to find a passage west-
ward. Convinced by the shallowness and freshness of
the water that there was no passage there, he pursued
his course, searching every bay until the approach of the
southern winter made it necessary to seek a secure
harbour. This he found in Port St. Julian 490 30' S.
where he stayed five months, and there he informed his
officers that he would go on seeking for a passage as far
as 750 S. if necessary.
On October 21st, 1520, the squadron sighted a head-
land, which was named, in accordance with the Roman
Catholic custom so valuable to the historian of early
travels, after the saint of the day, in this case the Eleven
Thousand Virgins. It was situated in 520 S. the highest
The Continuous Southern Ocean.
(From Nordenskiold’s Facsimile A Has.)
SLEEP AND AWAKENING 25
south latitude so far reached with certainty, and by the
side of the cape a channel opened deep, salt and with a
strong current running through, the long-looked-for
passage to the west. With the further labours of Magel-
lan we have little to do. He crossed the wide Pacific in
a voyage of three months' duration in which no land
was sighted but two wide-separated barren islands. One
ship of his squadron, the Victoria, after his untimely
death, threaded the maze of the Malay archipelego and
crossing the Indian Ocean returned to Spain by the
Cape of Good Hope. The Victoria turned a furrow of
blue water round the globe and taught Europe by that
simple demonstration that the Earth was indeed a sphere,
or at least that it was round, taught it also that the Old
World and the New World alike were free to the south
and that a third world, if such existed, must be looked for
in the vast unknown area about the Antarctic pole.
That a " third world ” did exist was a cherished belief,
no doubt derived from the old Greek speculations and
reasoning based on the law of symmetry. Magellan did
much to confirm the idea, for when he passed through
the strait that bears his name he saw to the south of him
land as continuous and as continental in appearance as
the territory of the Patagonians to the north. This
southern land he named Tierra del Fuego, the land of
fires, apparently from the fires carried by the natives in
their canoes.
While the question of the existence of an Antarctic
region had been settled definitely by the acceptance of
the sphericity of the Earth, and the mode of access to
that region had been shown by Magellan to be by the sea
alone, it still remained doubtful whether it was an
antarctic sea or an antarctic land that lay inviting dis-
26 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
covery. Map-makers picking up their scraps of fact as
they could, from the descriptions of Ptolemy, the authen-
tic logs of recent voyages or the stories of sailors, were
obliged or at least felt themselves impelled to work these
facts into some sort of setting that gave their drawing
an air of completeness. They had to fall back for this
purpose on the old ideas of symmetry or analogy or else
to draw upon their imagination — a more abundant source
and much more easily tapped. It is not surprising that
the globes of the sixteenth century varied vastly in their
details.
Leonardo da Vinci on his globe of 1515 depicts
America and Africa separated by broad stretches of
ocean from a continent almost included in the Antarctic
circle, which would have been a marvellously lucky guess
at the truth had there been any indication of a possible
Australia. The globe of Schoner in 1515 also showed
America and Africa free, but obviously on the strength of
the “ Newen Zeytung aus Presillgt Landt,” America was
represented as terminating in latitude 40° S. and nearly
touching a huge ring-shaped continent almost encircling
the globe and enclosing a sea which filled the Antarctic
circle. This continent was laden with detail of moun-
tains and rivers, and the part south of America was
named Brasilie regio. Schoner’s globe of 1520 named
the land south of America stretching from 40° to nearly
8o° S. Brasilia Inferior . The map of Orontius Finne,
published in 1531, seems to combine the information of
the two foregoing with Magellan’s discovery, for it
shows a vast continent covering the whole Antarctic area
coming close to America, keeping more distant from
Africa, but swelling out in the south Indian Ocean almost
to the tropic in a great square projection called Brasilie
The Mai* of Orontius, Southern Hemisphere.
[ F rom Norclenskiold’s Facsimile .If/as.)
[To face p. a6.
SLEEP AND AWAKENING 27
RegiOy to the east of which a large peninsula attached by
a very narrow isthmus was named Regio Patalis. The
whole continent bore the inscription “Terra Australis
recenter inventa sed nondum plene cognita.,, The out-
line of the Regio Patalis irresistibly suggests Australia
and has given rise to much controversy as to the early
discovery of that continent. French maps of the same
date, and, curiously enough, French maps only, showed
the island of Java separated by a narrow strait from a
huge shapeless island called “ Jave le Grand,” which
covers a great part of the area really occupied by Aus-
tralia, but stretched on some maps as far as 6o° S. This
also suggested to some writers an early discovery of
Australia by unknown Frenchmen.
However, these things may be we cannot be far wrong
in accepting the map of Orontius as representing the
current views of the middle of the sixteenth century as
to the nature of the southern hemisphere. The vast
Terra Australis built entirely of conjecture save for the
Tierra del Fuegian scrap of fact, was a continent indeed
“ not yet fully known,” the finding of which would well
repay any explorer, and place the happy discoverer on a
pedestal beside Columbus and Vasco da Gama, perhaps
even as high as Magellan himself. It was a magnificent
stimulus and the following chapters trace its historical
results.
CHAPTER III
SEARCHING FOR THE SOUTH LAND
“We left behind the painted buoy
That tosses at the harbour mouth;
And madly danced our hearts with joy,
As fast we fleeted to the South ;
How fresh was every sight and sound,
On open main or winding shore !
We knew the merry world was round,
And we might sail for evermore.”
— Tennyson.
FOR two hundred years the fair image of the South
Land fled before the bold sailors who entered the
southern seas in quest of trade or plunder. They
ever kept a watchful eye to southward in the hope of
lighting upon the Third World, the richness and attrac-
tiveness of which seemed to increase from generation to
generation.
Unfortunately it is difficult to unravel the stories of the
voyagers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It
is true that “ the men loomed large on the long trail, the
trail that is always new,” but their forms are rarely
distinct. The vagueness of their original narratives
often set down from hearsay by another hand, the uncer-
tainty of determining latitude to a single degree by
means of the clumsy back-staff or cross-staff, and the
wild guesses at longitude that were alone possible, makes
the story of any particular voyage hard to follow, and the
contests as to priority of discovery very difficult to
28
FOR THE SOUTH LAND
29
umpire. But an even greater difficulty is introduced by
the diametrically opposite views arrived at by different
geographical experts after critical study of all existing
data. If one could believe all the evil that has been
spoken of the early explorers, and of some of the later as
well, the only possible conclusion would be that the
most detestable scoundrels of all nations and they alone
were hardy enough to undertake maritime enterprise. If
one were to believe all the good that is spoken of these
same men by authorities equally high, they were without
exception high-souled heroes of whom the world was not
worthy, animated by none but the loftiest motives,
incapable alike of error in their observations or of exag-
geration in their statements. The truth must lie between
the two extremes, and we shall follow the views which
appear the most reasonable in setting out a chronological
narrative of the attempts to reach that ghost of an
antarctic continent which the fancies of cartographers
had conjured up. We have no prepossessions in the
matter, are ready to revise our opinions on obtaining any
fresh evidence, and not prepared to take up the cudgels
of controversy in respect of any of the views set forth.
All through this period the means of publicity were
small, and as a rule the desire for publicity on the part
of explorers was even smaller. The balance of power
in Europe depended so intimately on the possession of
exclusive information that authentic charts were jeal-
ously guarded as State documents of the highest value,
the communication of which to a foreigner was an act of
treason. There is reason to believe that false reports
were sometimes deliberately made public in order to
deter rivals, and there can be no doubt that malicious
slanders were circulated as to persons whose knowledge
3o SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
was inconvenient to those in authority. It is accordingly
not surprising to find that many facts to which we now
have access were unknown to the contemporaries of the
actors themselves, whose efforts and discoveries were
thus often left unproductive and lay outside the chain of
historical continuity.
The Emperor Charles V. sent out an expedition in
1525 to repeat the voyage of Magellan and one of the
caravels, the San Lesmes, encountering one of the violent
storms that haunt the southern extremity of America,
was driven far to the southeastward of the entrance to
the strait, and in latitude 55 0 found an open sea leading
the captain to believe that he had come to the southern
end of Tierra del Fuego. This fact never found its way
into contemporary maps, but the difficulties of the south-
west passage to the Indies were fully appreciated by the
Spanish sailors. They had a much easier and safer route
by Mexico, a route which obviated the storms of the
Southern Ocean and the tedious and hazardous naviga-
tion of the Strait, and which also reduced the voyages
of the Spaniard living at home to the short and easy trip
to Mexico, while his colonial brother undertook the trans-
pacific voyage from one of the ports on the west coast of
America, all of which were bound together by a regular
service of coasting vessels. For forty years the Span-
iards deserted the Strait, but diligently continued their
navigations in the great South Sea.
The Portuguese trader, Jorge de Meneses, while on a
voyage from Malacca to Ternate in 1526, was drifted
out of his course and fell in with the coast of a vast
projection of the great South Land. The discovery was
not followed up and twenty years later a Spaniard Ynigo
Ortiz de Retes, in the San Juan, after passing a number
FOR THE SOUTH LAND
3i
of islands, met with an extensive land of which he fol-
lowed the north coast for about 230 leagues without
coming to an end. Henceforth this portion of the
Southern Continent appeared upon the maps under the
name of New Guinea, which it still bears. It was easy
to draw a continuous coast line across the Pacific to unite
it with the Magellanic Land, nor were there wanting
adventurous sailors to visit portions of that coast and
return with detailed descriptions. Thus Dr. Juan Luis
Arias some time between 1606 and 1621, no doubt ani-
mated by the stories of Ouiros, wrote a Memorial to
Philip III., King of Spain, in the true spirit of expansive
imperialism, urging that monarch to proceed to annex
and colonise the new continent without delay, for it had
been discovered by the intrepid pilot, Juan Fernandez,
about 40° west of the coast of Chile, a pleasant land,
fertile, temperate in climate, watered by great navigable
rivers, like nothing one could see in Chile or Peru, and
to crown all, inhabited by white people. So, long before
Defoe immortalised the adventures of Alexander Selkirk
on the island really discovered by Juan Fernandez and
named after him, a romance was woven round some
Polynesian island visited by the same navigator, and the
prevailing belief in a non-existent region strengthened
thereby.
In 1567, Pedro de Sarmiento, succeeded in inducing
the Viceroy of Peru to fit out an expedition to explore
the South Land, but though he was made captain of one
of the vessels the command of the expedition was given
to Alvaro de Mendana, nephew of the Viceroy, who took
a course of his own, little dreaming that the route urged
by Sarmiento would have led to the discovery of Aus-
tralia. The only result of the voyage was to find a
32 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
group of large islands, some of which the explorers be-
lieved to be connected by land with New Guinea, and as
some gold was picked up, though neither apes nor pea-
cocks were found, they called them the Solomon Islands
on account of their resemblance to Ophir. This partial
success stimulated Mendana to continue his explorations,
to the brilliant conclusion of which we shall refer
presently.
The scene of interest shifts back to “ where wild meet-
ing oceans boil besouth Magellan/’ and for the first time
an English explorer appears on the stage, no less heroic
a figure than Sir Francis Drake, the boldest buccaneer
of the Elizabethan age when the sphere of the “ ten com-
mandments ” did not extend beyond the mouth of the
Channel and every man who owned a ship was free to
make his fortune as seemed right in his own eyes on the
high seas. Drake who cared nothing for the Pope’s
Line of Demarcation, or the Spaniards’ valour, much as he
appreciated their galleons, set out in 1578 “ to seek that
strait in which the vulgar believe not but the reality of
which is confirmed by many cosmographers.” He found
the strait, passed through into the Pacific in the remark-
ably short time of 18 days and after sailing some distance
to the northwest met with one of the gales of the region
and was driven far to the southwest. He was in latitude
“ 570 or somewhat better ” before he recovered control of
his ship. He had reached the farthest south yet attained,
though still nine degrees north of the Antarctic circle
within which a distorted report of his voyage in De Dry’s
great compendium of travels represented him as having
been driven. Drake found himself soon after in the neigh-
bourhood of a group of islands which he named the Eliza-
bethides after the Queen, and turning northward came on
FOR THE SOUTH LAND
33
the south coast of a land in 550 S. These islands were
undoubtedly part of the insular labyrinth of Tierra del
Fuego, but they were shifted about on the map like
pawns on a chess-board by the cartographers of the fol-
lowing generation until “ Drake Land " figured as a
respectable promontory of the great South Land itself.
Although a pirate, Drake, in his own erratic way, was
a pious man and carried a chaplain, the Rev. Francis
Fletcher, who as the author of “ The World Encom-
passed/' was also the chronicler of the voyage. Although
his master once set him in irons on board, with the
inscription on his arm “ frances fletcher ye falsest knave
yt. liveth ” we may accept the chaplain's statement : “ at
length wee fell with the uttermost part of land towards
the South Pole, and had certainly discovered how farre
the same doth reach Southward from the coast of Amer-
ica aforenamed. The uttermost cape or hedland of all
these Hands stands neere in 56 deg., without which there
is no maine nor Hand to be seene to the Southwards, but
that the Atlanticke Ocean and the South Sea, meete in a
most large and free scope."
Richard Hawkins, (whose identity as a prisoner of
the Spanish is quaintly veiled in Don Ricardo Aquines,
and in German translations Reichard von Aquin), also a
famous buccaneer states his own view confirmed by a con-
versation with Drake, as follows:
“ If a man be furnished with woode and water and the
winde good, he may keepe the mayne sea, and goe round
about the straits to the southwards and it is the shorter
way; for besides the experience which we made, that all
the south part of the straites is but ilands, many times
having the sea open, I remember that Sir Francis Drake
told me, that having shott the straites, a storm first took
34 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
him at northwest, and after vered about to the southwest,
which continued with him many dayes, with that ex-
tremitie, that he could not open any sayle, and that at the
end of the storme, he found himselfe in fiftie degrees*
which was sufficient testimony and proof e that he zvas
beaten round about the straites ”
There is thus no manner of doubt that Drake had
proved Tierra del Fuego to be a group of islands and
not part of any Antarctic Continent ; but his record was
misunderstood, he himself thought little of it and does
not appear to have given a name to the “ extreme cape or
cliff ” which probably enough was that which Le Maire
and Schouten in 1615 after passing through Strait Le
Maire and sighting Staten Land called Cape Lloorn after
one of their ships, a name since only too familiar to the
deep-sea sailor as The Horn.
The next important event in the history of the Antarctic
possibly occurred twenty-one years later, but whether it
occurred or not is one of those puzzling questions to
which an answer is difficult. The story, which has been
accepted by many students of the history of discovery, is
to the effect that a small Dutch vessel, the Blijde Bood-
schap (Blithe Tidings), under the command of Dirk
Gerritsz, one of the famous Dutch squadron of “ the
Five Ships ” bound to the Indies for trade and plunder,
after having cleared Magellan Strait and reached 50° S.
in the Pacific, was driven back by a storm to 64° S.
where a mountainous snowy coast like that of Norway
was discovered, extending apparently to the Solomon
Islands. It has been generally believed on the strength
* Probably an error of a copyist who mistook “ 56 ” for “ 50 ” ;
it is scarcely probable though not impossible that longitude and
not latitude is meant.
FOR THE SOUTH LAND
35
of this report that Dirk Gerritsz was the discoverer of
the South Shetlands and his name has recently been at-
tached by the leading German cartographers to the whole
archipelago lying south of 6i° in the longitude of Tierra
del Fuego. From the record of the other vessels of the
squadron, we learn that the leader, Olivier van Noort,
had received a letter from Dirk Gerritsz, stating that he
had missed the appointed meeting place at Santa Maria
Island, ran short of provisions, reached Valparaiso in
great distress and was wounded and taken prisoner by
the Spaniards. Not a word was said as to any discovery
of land in the far south. This was first heard of in some
supplementary notes incorporated in the introduction to
Herrera’s “ History of the Doings of the Spaniards in
America,” by Kasper Barlaeus, who translated that
Spanish work into Latin in 1622.
It seems likely that Gerritsz’s name was associated by
mistake with the report of quite another voyage, and the
origin of the mistake, as pointed out by Mr. E. S. Balch,
is probably a manuscript dating from the end of the sev-
enteenth century, which is preserved in the Royal
Archives at The Hague. It commences :
“ Laurens Claess of Antwerp, aged about 40 years, has
served as boatswain on the Magellan ship Blijde Boot-
schap which sailed with other ships ... in 1598
. . . has served under the Admiral Don Gabriel de
Castiglio with three ships along the coast of Chile towards
Valparaiso and from there towards the Strait, and that in
the year 1603, and he went in March to 64 degrees where
they had much snow.”
No mention is made of land, and it would seem that
Dirk Gerritsz’s old shipmate had really approached within
a few degrees of the Antarctic circle on board a Spanish
36 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
ship. A confused report of this exploit may very well
have inspired Barlaeus. The statement that the snow-
clad coast-line imputed to Dirk Gerritsz probably ex-
tended to the Solomon Islands, is plainly a speculation
of an armchair geographer, and obviously emanates from
Barlaeus ; but we have now to follow the mythical coast-
line to the new land of Ophir, for the centre of interest in
the first half of the seventeenth century lies there.
Mendana was accompanied on a second voyage of ex-
ploration, with which we are not concerned, by a Portu-
guese pilot named Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, who is
hailed by one authority as the true hero of the unknown
South Land, and stigmatised by another as a lying
Munchausen. In any case he was an interesting figure
and he played a picturesque part in the history of ex-
ploration. On Mendana’s death, Quiros after a vain
attempt to get the Peruvian viceroy to provide funds for
a great expedition to the South Land, went to Spain like
Columbus, to whom he compared himself, to move the
King in the matter. He went first to Rome and laid be-
fore the Pope a touching picture of the untold millions
of South Land natives ready to be led into the fold of
the Church ; the Pope recommended him to King Philip
III., to whom Quiros promised new lands greater in ex-
tent than those he already possessed and the funds were
secured.
Quiros set out from Callao in December, 1605,
with three ships to explore the coast of the South Land
from Tierra del Fuego to New Guinea, accompanied by
six Franciscan missionaries. After encountering much
bad weather and often changing his course he reached
a small island in the group, afterwards called the New
Hebrides, which from its height, its inhabitants and other
FOR THE SOUTH LAND
37
signs he took to be a promontory of the great Terra Aus-
tralis Incognita. He named it Australia del Espiritu
Santo , and took possession with a pomp, ceremony, and
comprehensiveness that has perhaps never been sur-
passed. He landed with his soldiers and priests, set up
his standards and the cross, and hailed his discovery
with the words “ To God alone the praise and glory ! O
Land so long sought for, believed in by so many, so earn-
estly longed for by me.” Then a notary solemnly called
Heaven and Earth, the Waters and all Creatures to witness
that Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros took possession
in the names of the Holy Trinity, the Pope, the Francis-
cans, various other orders, and lastly, the King of
Spain. The definition of the territory annexed was
given thus :
“ In this southern quarter of the globe which has hith-
erto been unknown, to which I have come with the per-
mission of Pope Clement VIII. and by command of King
Philip III. of Spain, dispatched by his Council of State,
I, Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros take possession
in the name of the Holy Trinity of all islands and
lands which I have recently discovered and will discover
e en to the Pole.”
Yet notwithstanding all this Quiros went no further
south ; he lingered more than a month at his island, and
planned a town to be called New Jerusalem at the mouth
of the Jordan. Soon after sailing, the ships of the squad-
ron were separated by a storm. Quiros returned to Peru
via the Philippines, and Torres, his second in command,
discovered and navigated the strait which now bears his
name, thus proving that New Guinea was not part of the
southern continent, arid discovering new land to the
south. Quiros, the would-be Columbus of the south,
38 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
passes out of sight protesting loudly that his discovery
was a land of gold and silver, cattle and grain, the rich-
est fruit and the healthiest climate, a land without venom-
ous beasts or insects, peopled by gentle natives, a land
richer than Mexico or Peru and as large as all Europe
and hither-Asia as far as Persia.
Meanwhile the Dutch voyagers sailing south from the
Malay archipelago had discovered the Gulf of Carpen-
taria, where Jansz arrived a few months before Torres ;
and year after year the west coast of Australia was felt
out ; and its bays and headlands bear testimony to this day
to the hardiness of the Dutch captains and the names of
their ships. In 1627 Nuyt discovered that after passing
Cape Leeuwin the coast turned eastward, and Tasman
crowned the work by sailing round the coast and cutting
off the great mass of New Holland from the dwindling
hypothetical continent. Continuing on his way he dis-
covered the west coast of New Zealand, which he named
Staten Land in honour of the Dutch States General.
He thought that it might perhaps be continuous with the
other Staten Land east of Cape Horn; but in any case
he was of opinion that the new discovery formed part
of the unknown South Land.
Except possibly in the middle of the three southern
oceans it was now apparent that the Antarctic continent
could not reach very far into the temperate zone. This
was the utmost of the achievements of the sixteenth cen-
tury, and so far as attaining high latitudes is concerned,
the best results were due to the tempests off Cape Horn,
such expeditions as set out with the professed intention
of pushing on to the great South Land having usually
been well content to harbour in some tropical island.
In the Cape Horn region the hopes of meeting with
FOR THE SOUTH LAND
39
the coast of the South Land were gradually dispelled.
Hendrik Brouwer in 1643 being unable to make Strait Le
Maire turned eastward along Staten Land and found it to
be an island of no great size. He also professed to have
found new land farther to the east, but his discoveries
were so vaguely described that they failed to gain general
belief. In 1675 a merchant named Antony La Roche, re-
turning from the South Sea, encountered a strong current
off Strait Le Maire which carried him far to the east,
where he discovered a snow-covered land, possibly the
Falkland Islands — one of the most frequently discovered,
named and forgotten groups in all the seas — but perhaps
it was South Georgia with which the snow-covering in
April agrees better.
During the years towards the close of the seventeenth
century the English buccaneers made more use than
almost any other navigators of the seas about the Horn,
and the stories of their adventurous voyages abound in
accounts of storms driving them south amongst the ice.
They were forced into such positions sorely against their
will and all their efforts were devoted to escaping north-
ward again. Little information is to be derived from
their logs except concerning the severity of the weather
and the misery of working the ships in that region of
“ floe and snow and blow.’’ It may be that some of the
ships reached high latitudes, but the total absence of ob-
served longitudes deprive the record of any geographical
value. Bartholomew Sharpe is believed to have reached
“ near 6o° S.” in 1681, Ambrose Cowley 6o° in 1684,
and Edward Davis “ very near 63° ” in 1687 in the South
Atlantic. Davis had a short time previously lighted on
a new land in the South Pacific, far off the coast of
Chile, which although only the little Easter Island, gave
4o SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
the speculative cartographers another point in the coast
line of their illusive land.
The only result so far as the search for the South Land
was concerned was to warn intending discoverers that
there was no prospect of success to the south of South
America. Cowley indeed draws a quaint moral of his
own, for the storm struck his ships while the men were
“ chusing of Valentines and discoursing on the Intrigues
of Women ” one 14th of February, “ so that we concluded
the discoursing of women at sea was very unlucky and
caused the storm.”
The seventeenth century closed with the belief in a
Terra Australis Incognita undiminished by the very sub-
stantial increase of the known world in the southern
hemisphere; but it closed with the first special expedi-
tion to investigate a purely scientific problem.
How the question was approached by the scholars
of the day, and to what extent their knowledge went, may
be judged by two extracts from the learned Dr. Nathanael
Carpenter in his “ Geographie,” second edition, published
in 1635. The first illustrates the way in which such
scholars played with ideas:
“ It hath beene a usuall kinde of speech amongst men
to tearme such things as are stronger, worthier or greater.
Masculine ; on the contrary side such things Feminine
as are found deficient or wanting in these perfections ; by
which kinde of Metaphor taken from the Sexes in liv-
ing creatures they have ascribed to the Northerne Hemi-
spheare a Masculine Temper in respect of the Southerne,
which comes farre short of it.”
The second quotation is a good summary of known
facts and a typically English view of foreign character:
“ Of the third and greatest, which is the South Con-
FOR THE SOUTH LAND
4i
tinent, no conjecture can be well-grounded, being in a
manner all undiscovered, except some small quillets on
the borders of it; by which if we may judge of all the
rest, we shall almost give the same judgment as of the
other. The want of discovery in this age of ours wherein
navigation hath beene perfected and cherished, is no small
argument to prove it inferiour in commodities to other
places : Neither had the slacknesse of the Spaniard given
that occasion of complaint to Ferdinand de Quir , the late
discoverer of some of these parts, had not the Spanish
king thought such an expedition either altogether fruit-
lesse or to little purpose. For who knowes not the Span-
iard to bee a nation as covetous of richesse as ambitious
to pursue forrane Soveraignty: as such who will more
willingly expose the lives of their owne subjects, then
loose the least title over other Countreys.”
Halley, the English Astronomer Royal, had spent the
whole year 1676 on St. Helena making systematic
magnetic observations with a view to completing his
theory of terrestrial magnetism which was published in
the Philosophical Transactions in 1693. The theory met
with keen opposition, and feeling the need of additional
data to support his views, Halley applied to the govern-
ment for the means of extending his observations farther
into the Southern Hemisphere. This was granted, and
the astronomer, invested with a captain’s commission,
was placed in command of H. M. S. The Paramour Pink
in 1699, with instructions to study the variation of the
magnetic needle in different latitudes and to discover
any of the new lands supposed to exist in the South At-
lantic. The first purely scientific expedition by sea under
the British or any other flag was in some ways unfor-
tunate.
42 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
While the Royal Observatory at Greenwich was
and is very intimately associated with the Royal Navy,
it was not to be expected that the head of the Observatory
could at a moment’s notice take command of a ship of
war. In those days of course the navy was not so spe-
cialised a profession as it is now, and captaincies and even
higher posts could then be bestowed without scandal on
persons who were not qualified to exercise the duties
attached to their office. It was in fact a convenient way
in which a leading politician could reward his friends to
place them on the books of a ship or of a regiment. Such
appointments were even given to children and served
merely as an excuse for an annuity from the public funds.
But Halley was called upon not only to draw the pay
but to exercise the executive duties of a captain in com-
mand of a crew engaged upon uncongenial and to them
incomprehensible work. It is not astonishing that dif-
ficulties arose and that the rough sailors of those days
resented the efforts of their amateur captain to main-
tain discipline. The wonder is that any scientific work
was possible in the circumstances. Halley succeeded in
making excellent magnetic observations, he landed at St.
Helena and repeated his experiments there, and then
steered southward. In January, 1700, he met with float-
ing ice in latitude 520 S. and longitude 167° W. of
Ferro. The vessel was not prepared for ice-navigation
and got into a position of considerable danger so that it
became necessary to return northward immediately. No
new land was seen, but some indications of land appeared
in latitude 430 12' S. and longitude 490 32' W., while
the presence of birds in 430 51' S., 250 50' W., suggested
the possibility of land existing in that neighbourhood.
As one result of this voyage Halley was able to con-
FOR THE SOUTH LAND
43
struct the first map of magnetic variation, and as another
he introduced a method of determining longitude by ob-
serving occultations of the fixed stars. These were two
substantial gains to navigation, for hitherto the problem
of the longitude had been practically insoluble.
The solitary scientific expedition toward the south was
merely an incident without any direct consequences to
exploration. The mercantile or piratical adventurers
of England continued to visit the southern seas and
several times were driven south of 6o°. Dampier in his
famous circumnavigation, although attaining no high
latitudes, helped to cast doubt upon the existence of a
great southern continent by observing how frequently
the coast-line marked on the charts was found to have
no basis in fact. One of his comrades, however, John
Welbe by name, was convinced of the existence of such
a land, at least he addressed many memorials in 1713
to the Admiralty and the Treasury asking for a ship
with 180 men in which he could explore the coast of the
continent between Cape Horn, the Land of Juan Fer-
nandez and New Guinea ; but the Admiralty and Treasury
had other things to think about and remained silent.
It would serve no purpose to recall the names of all the
sailers of this period who were driven south of 6o°
while rounding the Horn, but George Shelvocke may
be mentioned because his particular storm in 1719 was
imputed by his superstitious mate to the presence of a
“ disconsolate black albitross ” which followed the ship,
and after several vain attempts the mate shot the bird.
It did not die in vain, for the report of the episode
suggested to Coleridge the poem of the Ancient Mariner.
In 1721 Jacob Roggeveen submitted a scheme for a
voyage of southern exploration to the Dutch East India
44 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Company, similar to one proposed by his father fifty years
before, and accepted by the Company, but postponed in-
definitely on account of the war then in progress. The
political conditions being now happier the Company at
once accepted the proposal, and the younger Roggeveen
was granted three ships to explore the Southern Seas
and to search for the Isle of Gold, a half mythical, half
traditional island in the neighbourhood of New Guinea.
The Dutch expedition set out in August, 1721, visited
the Falkland Islands, naming them Belgia Australis, and
tried to enter Strait Le Maire. Here the usual fate
awaited them, a northerly storm sprang up and drove
the squadron far to the south beyond 62° S., one of the
ships, the Thienhoven, being reported to have reached
64° 58' S. This position cannot be affirmed with any
certainty, and like all the high latitudes previously at-
tained, it was made much against the will of the ex-
plorers, who never intended to seek that part of their
great continent which lay amongst the Antarctic ice.
The Dutch voyagers did not doubt that the southern con-
tinent lay to the south of them; the abundance of ice,
which was believed to form only near land, the birds,
the direction of the currents in the sea were all taken
as evidence of the proximity of land. The land they
considered might very possibly be inhabited, for the
shores of Davis Strait were inhabited all the year round
at least as far as 70° N.
Roggeveen proceeded to search in the Pacific for Davis
Land, he sighted Easter Island, but not dreaming that
so insignificant a speck could cast so vast a shadow on
the map he continued sailing northwest, although his com-
panion Behrens regretted that a southwesterly course
had not been taken. When at a later date Roggeveen
FOR THE SOUTH LAND
45
wished to turn south and explore the Staten Land east
of New Holland, he was prevented from doing so by
the representations of his ship's company, and proceed-
ing into the tropical Pacific he discovered Samoa, and in
iT S. the islands of Thienhoven and Groningen, which
he hailed as promontories of the South Land. We may
take leave of Roggeveen chanting the praises of that
terrestrial paradise, the great Southern Continent, its vast-
ness, richness, accessibility, delightful climate and the
rest, in language worthy of Quiros himself, and no doubt
largely derived from that poetical explorer.
The old story of De Gonneville’s South Land and the
perennially fresh descriptions of Quiros worked upon
the mind of an able French naval officer, Lozier Bouvet
or Bouvet des Loziers, and led him to appeal to the
French East India Company to send out an expedition
to discover and annex the Southern Continent. The
Company after several years consented, desiring to es-
tablish a port of call for their ships trading to India
and China, and Gonneville’s South Land lying off the
Cape of Good Hope with its fine climate and charming
inhabitants would be very suitable indeed for this pur-
pose. From Gonneville Land Bouvet proposed to take ad-
vantage of the prevailing westerly winds to reach Quiros’s
Australia del Espiritu Santo, where he hoped to open
up a lucrative trade in slaves amongst other commodities,
“ and it is only by a great trade that a great navy can
be supported." He proposed to return by Cape Horn
and thus to accomplish a complete voyage of circum-
navigation in the southern hemisphere in about two years'
time.
The French East India Company gave two ships, the
Aigle and the Marie, provisioned for eighteen months,
46 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
manned by a carefully selected crew and placed under the
command of Bouvet and Hay. The instructions of the
company stated that the object of the expedition was the
discovery of southern lands which were to be sought for
in latitude 440 S., and if not found the ships were to
proceed as far as 550 S., afterwards returning to 440 S.
and pursuing a sinuous track as far as 8o° E. of Paris.
While in sight of the southern land the ship’s companies
were to receive an increase of 25 per cent in their pay ;
but the captains were forbidden to bring any Australians
(that is, inhabitants of the Terra Australis Incognita)
to France.
Bouvet sailed from Lorient on July 19th, 1738, and by
December 15th he commenced to meet floating ice in
latitude 48° 50' S., but no land was sighted where the
maps showed the “ Terre de Vue ” five degrees farther
north. Pushing on southward the expedition found the
ice growing more abundant and the bergs larger, a
good sign in Bouvet’s opinion, for it argued the prox-
imity of an elevated and extensive land, and, as he
observed in his log* “ high lands are well known to be
the healthiest.” The weather was bad with much fog,
but Bouvet was a good sailor and a determined man not
likely to be baffled. At length on New Year’s Day, 1739,
his perseverance was rewarded by the discovery of a high
snow-clad land thickly veiled in fog, but showing on its
steeply scarped coast a prominent headland which was
named, after the Church festival of the day, Cape Cir-
cumcision. It was impossible to make a landing and
although the two vessels remained in sight of the cape for
twelve days the fog never completely lifted and it could
not be determined whether it was an island or part
of a continent. The pilot of the Marie differed from his
sm
i
Typical Antarctic Iceberg.
(Photograph supplied by Prog E. von Drygabki.
FOR THE SOUTH LAND
47
captain on this matter, believing that the evidence pointed
to Cape Circumcision being on an island, and that not a
large one. The position assigned by Bouvet was be-
tween 540 io' and 540 15' S., and between 270 and 28°
East of Tenerife. Cape Circumcision will be heard of
again several times in the course of our narrative.
On January 20th the Frenchmen reached 54°4o' S.,
close to the limit assigned by their instructions, and even
had they wished to go farther they could not have done so
on account of the ice-pack, the edge of which they fol-
lowed for 400 leagues eastward along what they be-
lieved to be a continent rendered inaccessible by the
floating ice. Bouvet accordingly turned north-eastward
and continued the search for Gonneville Land to 55° E.
(of Tenerife) with no result. His crews suffering much
from illness he returned to France after a spirited and
persevering effort to find what did not exist.
He did valuable work in freeing the South Atlantic
of the mythical land and in bringing home the first fairly
complete description of the huge flat-topped Antarctic
icebergs amongst which he had sailed. Some of these
he described as from 200 to 300 feet in height and from
two to three leagues in circumference. The abundance
of penguins and seals observed on the ice appeared to
indicate the proximity of land for, as Bouvet observed,
these are amphibious animals. And whether he was right
as to the proximity of a coast-line or not he performed a
solid piece of exploration in very hard conditions by
sailing along 48° of longitude nearly in 55 0 S.
The contrast between the far south and the far north
could not fail to strike the explorers, for here not long
after the southern midsummer they found the sea filled
with ice at a latitude corresponding to that of Belfast.
4b siege of the south pole
It began to be apparent that the approaches to the
Antarctic circle were very effectively guarded.
The next incident in Antarctic history is the dis-
covery by the Spanish merchant ship Leon, returning
from Chile in 1756, of a high mountainous land covered
with snow in 55 0 S., and far to the east of Cape Horn.
This was named San Pedro after the saint of the day,
and though the longitude assigned by the discoverer is
wrong by ten degrees, there is no reason to doubt that
it was the island now known as South Georgia.
The French natural philosophers of the middle of the
eighteenth century, when passing in review the whole
field of natural knowledge could not avoid so urgent
a question as the nature of the unknown parts of the
southern hemisphere. They did not lay stress on the
popular idea that a great mass of land symmetrically ar-
ranged round the south pole was necessary to maintain
the equilibrium and uniform rotation of the Earth; but
they showed a general tendency to believe in some such
continent. Thus the celebrated mathematician Mauper-
tuis, in writing to his patron, Frederick the Great, pointed
out the vastness of the unknown area which contains
room enough for a fifth part of the world larger than any
of the others, and considered it unreasonable to suppose
that no land existed there. He pointed out also that signs
of land had been observed by Bouvet all along the edge
of the ice. These lands must form as it were a world
apart which if they could only be reached would furnish
“ great opportunities for commerce and marvellous spec-
tacles in Physics ” ; and he summed up by saying that
he would rather have an hour’s conversation with a native
of the Terra Australis Incognita than with the finest in-
tellect in Europe. Maupertuis was too good a man of
FOR THE SOUTH LAND
49
science not to be struck by the low latitude to which
Antarctic ice penetrated northward, and he assigned as a
reason for it the fact that the Antarctic summer occurred
when the Earth was in the part of its elliptical orbit most
remote from the sun and when its motion in the orbit
is consequently slowest, so that the winter is not only
colder, but eight days longer than that of the northern
hemisphere. He also made the very practical remark
that if Bouvet had had experience of the arctic regions
and the methods of ice-navigation there he might have
been more successful.
Buffon also dealt at some length with the unknown
South in his essay on the Theory of the Earth where he
expressed views as to the existence of a great continent
which subsequent discoveries led him to modify. He
seemed somewhat credulous in accepting the stories of
“ people worthy of belief 99 who had told him of an
English captain named Monson who had reached 88° S.
without seeing ice, and of some unnamed Dutchmen who
claimed to have reached 89° S., or within 70 miles of
the pole. One cannot help thinking of the Dutch sailor
who boasted to his boon-companions in a sea-port tavern
that he had once sailed so far north that he came two
degrees beyond the pole, though we would not for a
moment compare Buffon with the simple-minded pam-
phleteer who placed the vaunt on record as a fact.
Buache, the eminent geographer who will be remem-
bered as the first to use contour lines on maps for ex-
pressing differences of level, read a paper to the Acad-
emy of Sciences in 1757 in which he suggested the
existence of a great Antarctic Sea nearly surrounded
by land, but with two openings whence vast quantities
of ice from the rivers of that continent were discharged
4
50 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
into the ocean, one south of Cape Circumcision, the other
south of the mythical Davis Land.
Buffon performed a notable service to Antarctic re-
search by inducing M. Charles de Brosses, president of
the Parlement of Dijon to compile his “ Histoire des
Navigations aux Ter res Australes," published in 1756.
This work passed in review the details of all the
voyages of exploration to the south so far as the records
known at the time permitted, and the compiler strongly
urged the continuance of voyages of discovery. “ For
a king this would be an enterprise more glorious than
a war or a victory/' he exclaimed. “ Thank God/' said
King Edward VII. in bidding farewell to the expedition
on board the Discovery, nearly a century and a half
later, “ this is no warlike expedition." De Brosses con-
tinued : “ The most celebrated of modern sovereigns will
be he who gives his name to the Southern World. This
enterprise can only be carried out by a king or by a State ;
it is beyond the resources of an individual or of a com-
pany, for a company seeks before everything profit and
immediate profit." He went on to point out that explora-
tion ought to be carried out for its own sake ; the result-
ing advantages would appear later.
De Brosses discussed the question of the southern ice,
the difficulties which it presented, however, he believed
would be found to diminish as one got further south,
and he strongly upheld the existence of a habitable and
colonisable continent in the unknown Southern Ocean.
The arguments of De Brosses, the tradition of De
Gonneville’s voyage, and the poetical narrations of Quiros
did not fail to fire the ambition of French explorers,
who were also stimulated by the very laudable desire to
anticipate the discoveries likely to be made by the British
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JAMES COOK 59
“ I am very far from intending the most distant in-
sinuation of resentment to, or dissatisfaction with, the
worthy and brave old Officer who was at the head of the
Admiralty when the Endeavour was purchased ; his
ideas on the subject of discovery were clear and just
in the only conference I ever had with him, and I have
been told that afterwards, 4 He lamented I did not go 9 ;
but his open, honest, unsuspecting nature, I think, ex-
posed him to the insinuations of cunning men, who
would have endeavoured to throw the odium on me if
the expedition, in the mode it was proposed, had not been
successful, and attributed all the merits, to their own
tools. The point is not yet determined whether there
is or is not a SOUTHERN CONTINENT? Although
four voyages have been made under their auspices, at the
same time I dare appeal, even to them, that I would not
have come back in Ignorance 99
Cook accepted the appointment with the calmness of a
man who knows his own powers. He had climbed from
the very lowest rung of the ladder of sea service. The
son of a Northumbrian or Roxburghshire father and a
Yorkshire mother, he inherited no other advantage than
that of the sturdy character and the undemonstrative
temperament of the borders, for his father was only a
farm labourer and he himself ran away to sea from an
uncongenial apprenticeship. From boy on a collier he
worked his way up to be mate; then, to anticipate the
press-gang, he volunteered for the Royal Navy as an
able seaman and was promoted Master for his services
in sounding the St. Lawrence under fire at the siege of
Quebec, and in the survey of the Newfoundland coast.
Self-made if ever a man was, entirely self-educated, he
forced himself to the front by pure merit and tenacity in
6o SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
an age when merit was by no means the usual road to
promotion.
Cook received the rank of Lieutenant and sailed in
1768 with orders to proceed to King George III. Island
or Otaheite, recently discovered by Wallis — at this time
no one knew that it had previously been known to
Quiros — and after observing the transit of Venus there
on June 1st, 1769, to sail southward for exploration. He
circumnavigated and surveyed New Zealand, proving
that it was no part of any Antarctic continent, charted
the east coast of New Holland and sailed through the
strait between it and New Guinea, a strait, as Dalrymple
pointed out with vindictive pleasure, which had pre-
viously been discovered by Torres.
During Cook's absence Dalrymple had completed and
published his valuable “ Historical Collection of the Sev-
eral Voyages and Discoveries in the South Pacific
Ocean," which first gave prominence to the work of
Quiros and his successors. The dedication of the
volume was so characteristic that it is worth reproducing
in its entirety.
Not — to Him
Who discovered scarcely any thing
But — Patagonians ;
Nor — to Him
Who, from 20° South Latitude,
Determined
To come — Home
Into 50° North,
Thinking it impossible
To go — into 30° South,
On Discovery;
JAMES COOK 61
Nor — to Him
Who left the arms of a Calypso,
To amuse
The European World
With stories of enchantments
In the New-Cytherea
Mistaking the example of Ulysses,
Who never wished
To return Home,
Till he had atchieved that
For which he went Abroad.
But to
The man
Who,
Emulous of Magalhanes,
And
The Heroes of former Times,
Shall persist through every Obstacle,
And
Succeed not by Chance,
But
By Virtue and Good-conduct
This Historical Collection
Of Former Discoveries
In
The South Pacific Ocean
Is Presented
By
Alexander Dalrymple.
May 14, 1769.
The ungenerous reflections on a former explorer, ap-
parently Bougainville, contained in this dedication,
cannot apply to Cook, the results of whose voyage were
62 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
still unknown; but the description of the ideal man of
action to whom the work is presented agrees, however
reluctant the author might be to admit it, with no one in
all the range of history so well as with Cook himself.
On Cook's return all the logs and other documents of
the expedition were handed over to a ponderous man
of letters, Dr. Hawkesworth, to be put into literary form
by him and combined in one work with the narratives of
the circumnavigations of Byron, Wallis, and Carteret.
They were accordingly clothed with a wealth of classical
imagery and interspersed with trite moral reflections in
a manner adapted to the taste of the period, and the plain
tale of Cook's own log was actually left unpublished for
one hundred and thirty years, while, incredible as it may
seem, the description of some of the scientific col-
lections of the voyage with the plates engraved at the
time are only now appearing in the twentieth century.
Despite its defects no book ever became more popular at
once and for all time and in all languages than Cook’s
First Voyage, and we find Robert Burns in 1785 speak-
ing of “ some unkenned o’ isle beside New Holland,”
as a simile that would be familiar to his peasant neigh-
bours in Ayrshire.
Dalrymple now formed the resolve to undertake the
search for the southern continent. He proposed to
associate some of his friends with himself and to bear the
expense jointly, but he first applied to the Government
for a concession of all unoccupied lands he might find in
the course of five years between the equator and 6o° S.
Two letters on this subject written in 1772 to Lord
North were never answered, the concession was not
granted, the expedition did not sail. What sort of in-
ducements Dalrympie held out may be understood from
JAMES COOK 63
the following extract obviously based on the epistle of
Arias which he had discovered and translated as an
important document.
“ The American colonies are generally supposed to con-
tain two millions of people, whose commerce with Britain
is thought to give them an over-ruling influence. The
number of inhabitants in the Southern Continent is prob-
ably more than 50 millions, considering the extent,
from the eastern part discovered by Juan Fernandez, to
the western coast seen by Tasman, is about 100 deg. of
longitude, which in the latitude of 40 deg. amounts to
4596 geographic, or 5323 statute miles. This is a
greater extent than the whole civilised part of Asia, from
Turkey to the eastern extremity of China. There is at
present no trade from Europe thither, though the scraps
from this table would be sufficient to maintain the power,
dominion, and sovereignty of Britain, by employing all
its manufacturers and ships.”
Hawkesworth’s account of Cook’s First Voyage was
published in three quarto volumes in 1773, and Dal-
rymple not caring to attack Cook directly, immediately
fell upon the conscientious though infelicitous editor
with a letter “ occasioned by some groundless and illiberal
imputations ” made in the work. Hawkesworth replied
in the preface to the second edition, and Dalrymple re-
sponded with a force and vivacity that may be appre-
ciated from an extract:
“ Altho’ I believe in Providence, I am not a Roman
Catholic to give my confidence into the keeping of Dr.
Hawkesworth, or any other Doctor; nor do I think my-
self bound to avoid every man whose conduct and be-
haviour, in certain instances, I condemn : altho’ the death
of an Indian unnecessarily may appear to me murder ,
64 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
it may not seem so to him, and therefore altho’ I think the
act, murder, I cannot deem him, absolutely, a murderer;
or perhaps he may have repented : at the same time, if
I thought I could obtain any information useful to the
Public by associating with the Devil or Dr. Hawkesworth,
I should have no scruples of conscience to be in their
company, tho’ the one could not induce me wantonly to
destroy my fellow-creatures, nor the other, by all his
erudition and elocution, convince or persuade me that
‘ in little more than seven years, Discoveries have been
made far greater than those of all the navigators of the
world collectively, from the expedition of Columbus to
the present time/ ”
While this unedifying strife was in progress the Ad-
miralty had taken a shorter way to settle the question
in dispute. Cook, whose only official reward had been
the simple promotion to Commander, received at least
“ the glory of going on.” He was appointed to com-
mand a new expedition intended to solve the problem of
the Southern Continent finally, and he had scarcely
wound up the affairs of his first voyage before he was
deep in the preparations for the second. These prepara-
tions were of no ordinary kind. He had to procure
ships, and arrange for their stores and provisioning. The
latter was a matter to which he gave the minutest personal
attention. In his previous voyage he had made success-
ful experiments in the prevention of scurvy which in all
earlier voyages of circumnavigation had played havoc
with the crew. He determined to get rid of this bug-bear
to exploration, and accordingly laid in quantities of pre-
served vegetables, mostly in the form of pickles and
“sour krout,” as well as malt and various extracts of
herbs. The necessity of cleanliness was also present
ilii
(
JAMES COOK 65
with him and the regulations he made for the conduct
of his crew in this particular were very like those in force
at the present day, though a startling innovation in a
naval ship of 1772. As to the vessels, Cook stated his
requirements in these words:
“ A ship of this kind must not be of a great draught
of water, yet of a sufficient: burden and capacity to
carry a proper quantity of provisions and necessaries
for her complement of men, and for the term requi-
site to perform the voyage. She must also be of
a construction that will bear to take the ground, and
of a size which, in case of necessity, may be safely
and conveniently laid on shore to repair any accidental
damage or defect. These properties are not to be found
in ships of war of forty guns, nor in frigates, nor in
East India Company’s ships, nor in large three-decked
West India ships, nor indeed in any other but North-
country-built ships as such arc built for the coal trade,
which are peculiarly adapted for this purpose.”
Commander Cook on this expedition had two vessels,
both ship-rigged and of the stout north-country collier
type, built at Whitby and nearly new — the Resolution,
of 462 tons and 112 men under his own command, the
Adventure, of 336 tons and 81 men, under that of Lieu-
tenant Tobias Furneaux, who had been Wallis's second
lieutenant. The appointments were dated on 28th No-
vember, 1771. The Admiralty instructions were dated
June 25th, 1772. Lord Sandwich, who was at that time
First Lord, took the deepest personal interest in the ex-
pedition, visiting the ships again and again during their
equipment, and coming on board in Plymouth Sound just
before the expedition sailed, to assure himself that every-
thing had been done to Cook's satisfaction.
5
1
66 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
The object of the voyage was to discover the great
Southern Continent if it existed or to disprove its exist-
ence definitely. The plan was in fact similar to that of
Kerguelen’s second voyage, different as was the result.
Cook was instructed to proceed to Madeira, thence to
the Cape of Good Hope, then a Dutch possession, for it
must be remembered that at that date there was no British
territory in the Southern hemisphere and that Cape Town,
the river Plate, Valparaiso and Batavia were the nearest
ports to the Antarctic circle where a ship could refit.
From the Cape he was to proceed southward in search of
Bouvet’s Cape Circumcision in 540 S., ii° 20' E., and if it
were discovered to determine if it were part of a conti-
nent. In case it should be so he was to explore as much
of the continent as possible, to land and make such “ob-
servations of every kind as might be useful either to nav-
igation or commerce, or tend to the promotion of natural
knowledge.” His attitude towards the inhabitants, if any,
was laid down carefully and he was enjoined to invite
them to trade and show them “ every kind of civility and
regard.” The continent was to be coasted either east-
ward or westward and the exploration continued as near
to the South Pole as possible so long as the state of the
vessels and the health of the crew permitted, and a
sufficiency of provisions was in hand to enable the ships
to reach a port of supply. Should Cape Circumcision be
found to be on an island it was to be surveyed, and in
this case, or if Bouvet’s reported land could not be found,
Cook was instructed to proceed southward as long as he
considered that there was any likelihood of falling in
with the continent and then to proceed eastward in a
high latitude until he had circumnavigated the globe,
making such discoveries as might be as near the pole as
JAMES COOK 67
possible. This being done the ships were to proceed to
the Cape of Good Hope and return thence to Spithead.
When the season of the year made it unsafe to remain in
high latitudes the ships were to retire to some known
place to the northward to refit and refresh the people,
after which they were to return to the south. In all
cases not provided for in the Instructions Cook was to
exercise his own discretion.
The vessels were provisioned for two years, salted beef
and pork being of course the only meat possible ; but the
various preserved vegetables, soups, sugar and extracts
promised better fare than Jack usually received in the
eighteenth century. The ships were armed, the Resolu-
tion carrying twelve guns, for it was war time. In ad-
dition to the usual boats the timbers for a cutter of
twenty tons were put on board each in case of shipwreck
on an unknown coast. A considerable number of live-
stock was carried for food and for setting free on suit-
able islands. The voyage was intended to be largely
devoted to scientific research. An astronomer accom-
panied each ship. Mr. William Wales on the Resolution,
Mr. William Bayley on the Adventure. Mr. William
Hodges, an artist, was taken to depict the places and peo-
ple met with.
The first exploring voyage of Captain Cook had been
made famous for scientific discoveries by the voluntary
services of Mr. Joseph Banks and Dr. Solander. Banks
was anxious to go again and in order to accommodate
him and his scientific equipment a poop had been fitted to
the Endeavour, which, however, overweighted the ship
and had to be removed. Other difficulties arose and to the
great disappointment of both Banks and Cook the former
was unable to go, although he had spent some thou-
68 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
sands of pounds in preparation.* It was held to be of
public Utility that some person skilled in Natural
History should accompany the expedition and, as
Cook drily observes in his preface, “ Mr. John Rein-
hold Forster with his son were pitched upon for
this employment.,, The choice turned out to be an un-
happy one, but it proved valuable in a quite unexpected
way, as the eloquent expression the disappointed natural-
ists gave to their grievances supplies all the touches of hu-
man interest that are lacking in Cook's impassive chron-
icle. The equipment of scientific instruments was slender ;
setting aside those for astronomical work and the ordinary
duty of navigation we find mention made only of an
azimuth compass, a dipping needle, a marine barometer
and two portable barometers, a wind-gauge, six thermom-
eters, a theodolite, level and chain and an apparatus
for taking the temperature of the sea at various depths.
There were chronometers of several patterns, the use of
which for determining longitude was then in an experi-
mental stage, and these proved invaluable.
The expedition left the Thames on June 22nd, and sailed
from Plymouth on July 13th, 1772. Madeira was reached
on the 29th, and after a stay of three days the voyage
was resumed, Cape Town being reached on October 30th.
At Cape Town Cook was courteously received by the
Dutch governor, who informed him of the results of the
voyages of Kerguelen and of Marion and Crozet, and
showed a chart of their discoveries. Plere also he met
Andrew Sparrmann, a Swedish naturalist, one of the
* When Sir Joseph Hooker went to India in 1847 he was pre-
sented with a number of large glass jars for preserving plants in
spirits that had been part of Banks's equipment for Cook’s second
voyage.
JAMES COOK 69
many pupils of Linneus who were engaged in studying
natural phenomena in all parts of the globe. Dr. Rein-
hold Forster was much attracted by the young Swede and
felt that he would be a most valuable assistant in making
scientific observations. Sparrmann was eager to extend
the sphere of his researches and after much importunity
Cook consented to take him on board, Forster paying for
his food and allowing him a salary at his own expense.
The expedition left Cape Town on November 22nd,
1772, steering in the direction of Bouvet’s Cape Circum-
cision. On December 10th, in 50° 40' S. and 20° E., the
first ice was met with, a majestic berg perpendicular in
the sides, flat on the top, a veritable island of ice. Next
day the bergs had increased in number, the sea ran high,
a fierce storm was blowing and thick fog lay over every-
thing. On the 1 1 th Cook crossed the assigned latitude
of Cape Circumcision at a point ten degrees east of Bou-
vet’s longitude. All eyes were on the outlook for the ex-
pected land, and again and again the wreaths of sea-fog
lightened and the edge of some huge berg appeared, to
be mistaken for land for a few moments and then recog-
nised as a drifting island of ice. Yet some of the offi-
cers held to the belief that land had been sighted until
on the return voyage two years later the Resolution
crossed the reported situation of Bouvet Island in clear
weather and saw nothing. Cook, thanks to his chronom-
eters, was able to keep a good account of longitude as
well as latitude. As he pursued his way southward he
had also to work eastward along the edge of a field
of heavy floating ice; but rounding that obstruction in
570 S. he turned to the W. S. W. until he crossed the
meridian of io° E. in latitude 590 S. He now had
passed 300 miles to the south of Bouvet’s position for
70 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Cape Circumcision, and as the weather was absolutely
clear so that high land could be seen 70 miles away
Cook was justified in assuming that Cape Circumcision
was not a part of a continent. Moreover the ice was
drifting freely to the north which it could not well do if
a continent were there to block the way. Taking
these facts into consideration Cook came to the con-
Cook's Tracks Near Bouvet Island.
elusion that Bouvet had mistaken a great iceberg for land.
This is perhaps evidence that Cook did not know Bou-
vet’s own report of his work, for it is difficult to see how
any sailor could keep in sight of an iceberg for twelve
days without detecting its nature.
On January 2nd, 1773, the ships were once more turned
JAMES COOK 71
to the southeast in conformity with the Instructions.
Several cases of scurvy occurred and were checked by
the use of sweet worts. Christmas had been celebrated
by the crew, who had been saving up their daily ration
of spirits for weeks before, “ with savage noise and
drunkenness/' to quote the words of the younger Forster.
No doubt some of the noise was due to the performance
of a Highlander amongst the crew who had brought his
bagpipes to rouse the echoes of the bergs, and who after-
wards played a considerable part in charming the shy
natives of the tropical islands with the music of the
north.
The Forsters seem to have been but little suited
for the life of exploring naturalists. Their cabins were
the worst on board, they declared, and the bedding never
dry ; the misery of the monotonous days impressed them
deeply. “ We were almost perpetually wrapped in thick
fogs,” they lamented, “ beaten with showers of rain, sleet,
hail, and snow, surrounded by innumerable islands of
ice, against which we daily ran the risk of being ship-
wrecked, and forced to live upon salt provisions, which
concurred with the cold and wet to infect the mass of
our blood.”
January 17th, 1773, was an epoch in the world's his-
tory, for just before noon on that day the Antarctic
circle was first crossed by human beings. The southern
frigid zone foreseen by Aristotle, reasoned on by the
Greek philosophers, who declared it existent but inacces-
sible, denied and stigmatised as heretical by the mediaeval
Church, never hitherto deliberately sought for, had at
last been entered by the Resolution and Adventure in
an open sea with only one iceberg in sight. Cook had now
outdistanced all his predecessors ; but the attempt to push
72 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
southward was made impossible by the increasing thick-
ness of the crowd of bergs and at 6 p. m. on the same day
a vast expanse of solid ice appeared, rising only about
eighteen feet above the sea but stretching with a perfectly
uniform surface, as far as the eye could reach from the
top of the mast. It was the signal for retreat. The
season was too far advanced to try to turn the edge of
this barrier and to the joy of all on board except the
captain the Resolution’s head was turned northward in
latitude 67° 15' S. and 390 35' E. due south of the Mozam-
bique Channel. The supply of fresh water had given
out some time before, but Cook was aware of some
previous researches on sea-ice and to the disgust of his
sailors who expected an earlier refuge in some “ New
Cytherea ” of the tropics, he ordered out the boats and
filled his barrels with blocks hewn from the nearest
mass of floating ice.
At the end of January the Resolution was cruising in
490 N., 590 E. looking for the lands discovered by the
French expeditions of the previous year of which Cook
had heard at Cape Town. It is curious that he was
exactly in the latitude of Kerguelen Land, but io° too
far east, being in fact midway between that island and
the Crozets, and accordingly he saw nothing of either.
The two ships parted company in a gale on February
8th, and as a portion of the summer still remained, Cook
bore southeast once more, and fell in with icebergs in the
middle of February in 570 S. On February 24th he was
in 61 0 52' S. and 95 0 E., and once more fields of ice
blocked the way. Again and again the appearance of
penguins and other birds seemed to indicate the vicinity
of land, but Cook did not lay much stress on this prog-
nostic and was convinced that far from being the north-
The Ice Islands of the Antarctic.
(From Cook's Second Voyage.)
■!
JAMES COOK 73
ern capes of a continent the French discoveries were only
insignificant islands. Baffled in the attempt to get far-
ther south, Cook kept an easterly course, a little to
the south or a little to the north of the parallel of 6o° as
the ice permitted or required, until he reached the me-
ridian of 147 ° E. on March 16th. It was now time to
seek lower latitudes but not yet time for rest. The Reso-
lution tried to make the east side of Van Diemen's Land,
where Cook wished to ascertain if the coast were con-
tinuous with that of New South Wales; but the westerly
winds were too strong, so he bore up for New Zealand,
which was reached in Dusky Bay on March 26th, after
1 22 days at sea. The Adventure was found in Queen
Charlotte Sound, now known as Cook Strait. She had
made a straight course without discovering any land.
Between the routes of Tasman, Marion, Kerguelen,
Cook, and Furneaux there was no room for a temperate
continent in the Southern Ocean ; the voyage of the
Resolution had swept one-third of the great circumpolar
continent within the ice-barrier south of 6o° S. ; and im-
planted in Cook a lively distrust in the existence of the
other segments.
Until June 7th Cook employed himself in surveying
the coast of New Zealand. The naturalists landed, made
collections and had various adventures with the natives,
after an interview with whom on one occasion the worthy
Sparrmann stalked forth from the bush wearing only his
spectacles, all the rest had been involuntarily sacrificed to
the inquisitiveness and acquisitiveness of the Maoris.
From New Zealand both ships pursued their researches
for three months between 41 0 S. and 46° S., to the
eastward as far as 135 0 W., nearly half way across
the Pacific. Many on board expected daily to fall in
74 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
with the visionary continent of Quiros and Dalrymple,
but no land of any kind was sighted.
Toward the end of August the two ships cast anchor
in Matavai Bay, in the sailor's paradise Tahiti, and there
the life for a few brief weeks would have justified the
sternest moral censure of Dalrymple. The men had
worked hard and endured much, and sailors have always
had large license in the manner of their “ refreshment.”
Forster, with his usual spitefulness, observed that the
scenes of debauchery on board the ships at Tahiti almost
made him believe they were in Spithead. This brief in-
terlude over, the stern discipline which Cook always ex-
ercised when at sea was again imposed and the ships re-
turned toward New Zealand. The Adventure was lost
sight of and not seen again until the return to England,
but the Resolution arrived at Queen Charlotte Sound
on November 3d, 1773, and after catching and salting a
quantity of fish, and gathering every green thing which by
any possibility could be eaten to keep away scurvy they
sailed for the frozen seas on the 26th.
The 60th parallel was crossed in 1770 W., whence a
course was held to the southeast and the first ice met with
on December 12th in 62° 10' S., and 1720 W., much far-
ther south than was the case a year earlier to the south of
the Cape of Good Hope. The ice, once met with, soon in-
creased in quantity and on the 15th it was necessary to
turn northward, but on the 20th the Antarctic circle was
reached in 147 0 30' W., and for three days the Resolution
pushed her way eastward within the circle, reaching
the farthest latitude of 67° 31' S. on December 22nd. On
the 23rd it was found necessary on account of the exhaus-
tion of the officers and men and the continued bad
weather to stand northward again in 1350 W., after mak-
JAMES COOK 75
mg twelve and a half degrees of easting south of the
circle. The ship reached 470 50' S. in 1230 W.,
a useful detour, since it showed that no continuous land
stretched between New Zealand and Cape Horn, but
affording little rest to the jaded crew, who on Jan-
uary 18th were once more on the poleward side of 6o°,
bound south. On January 20th icebergs appeared, one of
them towering to a height of 200 feet, with a dome-shaped
peak, but as the ship got farther south the number of
bergs diminished and the air grew warmer.
When the Resolution crossed the circle for the third
time in 109° 31' W. on January 26th, 1774, no ice was in
sight; but floes appeared next day and a thick fog came
on, greatly hampering navigation. Every one on board
was suffering more or less from the salt food and the mis-
erable weather. George Forster we are sure did not ex-
aggerate when he said, “ A gloomy, melancholy air loured
on the brows of our shipmates, and a dreadful silence
reigned amongst us. . . . The hour of dinner was hate-
ful to us.” The captain alone, he said, seemed to grow
better as they advanced toward the pole. On January
30th, 1774, the weather was clear and the ship was
blocked in 71 0 10' S. and 106° 54' W. It was the farthest
south of the cruise and of the century. The situation is
thus described by Captain Cook himself :
“ On the 30th, at four o’clock in the morning, we per-
ceived the clouds, over the horizon to the south, to be
of an unusual snow-white brightness, which we knew
announced our approach to field ice. Soon after it was
seen from the topmasthead, and at eight o’clock we were
close to its edge. It extended east and west far beyond
the reach of our sight. In the situation we were in, just
the southern half of our horizon was illuminated by the
76 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
rays of light reflected from the ice to a considerable
height. Ninety-seven ice hills were distinctly seen within
the field, besides those on the outside — many of them very
large, and looking like a ridge of mountains rising one
above another till they were lost in the clouds. The
outer or northern edge of this immense field was com-
posed of loose or broken ice close packed together, so
that it was not possible for anything to enter it. This
was about a mile broad, within which was solid ice in
one continued compact body. It was rather low and flat
(except the hills), but seemed to increase in height as
you traced it to the south, in which direction it extended
beyond our sight. Such mountains of ice as these, I
think, were never seen in the Greenland seas, at least not
that I ever heard or read of, so that we cannot draw a
comparison between the ice here and there. It must be
allowed that these prodigious ice mountains must add
such additional weight to the ice fields which enclose
them as cannot but make a great difference between the
navigating this icy sea and that of Greenland.
“ I will not say that it was impossible anywhere to get
farther to the south ; but attempting it would have been
a dangerous and rash enterprise, and which, I believe,
no man in my situation would have thought of. It was,
indeed, my opinion, as well as the opinion of most on
board, that this ice extended quite to the pole, or perhaps
joined on some land to which it had been fixed from the
earliest time, and that it is here, that is, to the south of
this parallel, where all the ice we find scattered up and
down to the north is first formed, and afterwards broken
off by gales of wind or other causes and brought to the
north by the currents, which are always found to set in
that direction in high latitudes. As we drew near this
JAMES COOK 77
ice some penguins were heard but none seen ; and but few
other birds, or anything that could induce us to think
any land was near. And yet I think that there must be
some to the south behind this ice; but if there is, it can
afford no better retreat for birds or any other animals
than the ice itself, with which it must be wholly covered.
I, who had ambition not only to go farther than anyone
had been before, but as far as it was possible for man to
go, was not sorry at meeting with this interruption, as
it in some measure relieved us, at least shortened the
dangers and hardships inseparable from the navigation
of the southern polar regions. Since, therefore, we could
not proceed one inch farther to the south, no other
reason need be assigned for my tacking and standing
back to the north.”
Another reason may be suspected, however, for even
the iron constitution of Cook could not resist a diet of
old and over-salted meat and rotten biscuits half-de-
voured by cockroaches, combined with the constant ex-
posure and anxiety of navigating a ship in such seas.
The horrors of extreme cold and of darkness were for-
tunately spared these first “intruding mortals,” to use
Forster’s phrase, but the monotony of nearly perpetual
daylight is in itself hard to bear and the constant neigh-
bourhood of the freezing point makes a miserable mid-
summer, when there is no dry place in the ship. The ship
had not gone far on her northward voyage before the
captain broke down; “a bilious colic,” he called it, but
apparently it very nearly proved fatal, both to himself
and to the ship’s surgeon, who tended him by day and
night without intermission until the crisis was passed.
Illness, whether of his crew or of himself, never stopped
the work of James Cook when he could think or the men
78 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
could move, and it must be remembered that the worst
effects of scurvy were still kept at bay and there were no
deaths.
The Resolution sailed north between ioo° and 90° W.,
looking for Juan Fernandez land, the report of which
had been made known by Dalrymple’s translation of the
long forgotten letter of Arias, but no such land had been
found when on February 21st, Cook reached the position
assigned to its northern coast, 370 54' S. and 90° W.,
and after several days satisfied himself that if there was
land at all, it could only be a Small island, as there was
room for nothing of any great size between his track
and those of the other circumnavigators. Having dis-
posed of the Spanish myth, he turned westward to prove
that the only kernel of truth in the great expanse of Davis
Land as shown on Dalrymple’s chart was the quaint
little Easter Island. The island was found none too soon
to replenish the supply cff food, and its marvellous
statues and terraces so unlike the work of any known
Polynesian race formed a welcome object of study and
description for both officers and naturalists. At length,
on April 22nd, the blissful island of Tahiti was reached,
all warmth and fruit and flowers, and the anchor dropped
in Matavai Bay for a happy month amongst the guile-
less natives, when, as Foster observed, the poet's
lines :
“To dress, to dance, to sing, our sole delight,
The feast or bath by day, and love by night,”
could be applied to the ship’s company with peculiar
propriety.
Not quite a month, however, for Cook, with restored
health and a robust crew set sail on May 15th, 1774, for
a fresh voyage of discovery. If heaping coals of fire on
JAMES COOK 79
an enemy’s head is an appropriate punishment, Cook’s
reply to Dalrymple’s interminable strictures was to crown
him with a burning fiery furnace seven times heated.
Without uttering a word of anger or resentment, he pro-
ceeded calmly and systematically to wipe out of the map
of the South Pacific, as he had already wiped out of the
South Indian Ocean, every line of that imaginary conti-
nent which Dalrymple loved as his own soul. Quiros
was now to share the fate of Juan Fernandez and Ed-
ward Davis. Proceeding to Australia del Espiritu San-
tos, which had been so gloriously annexed to Spain,
Cook and the Resolution resolved the dazzling continent
into a small, unhealthy archipelago inhabited by the
most hopeless savages. He named the group the New
Hebrides. Then, adding New Caledonia to his discov-
eries by the way, he regained New Zealand, ready to take
advantage of the third Antarctic summer.
On November ioth, 1774, Cook left New Zealand
bound for home after one more campaign in the ice. He
crossed the meridian of 160° W. in 56° S., and held a
course eastward between 57 0 and 53 0 S., meeting little
ice and encountering no land until the islands of Tierra
del Fuego were sighted on December 17th. Coasting
those islands the Resolution found a favourable harbour,
which received the name of Christmas Sound, for here
on Christmas eve a lucky shooting expedition brought
home a great bag of geese. No man probably ever cared
less for the pleasures of the table than James Cook; but
even he confessed that he had grown sick of the ancient
salt beef and pork that remained of their stores. Fresh
food of any kind was welcomed, the puppy-seals were
tried and found palatable, the meat of the females was
not much amiss, but the old bulls were voted abominable.
8o SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Penguins were thought disagreeable, but they were fresh
and that made them go down. However, the geese were
a rare treat and as a little Madeira wine was left, “ the
only article of our provisions that was mended by keep-
ing/’ Cook remarked “ our friends in England did not,
perhaps, celebrate Christmas more cheerfully than we
did.”
The few days’ rest after the dull months of monot-
Cook's Chart of the Isle of Georgia.
(From Cook’s “Second Voyage”)
onous hardship did good to all hands. The captain
looked back with immense satisfaction to his proof that
no vast temperate continent lay in the South Pacific, and
he looked forward to yet another southward cruise before
turning the bows of his weather-beaten ship homeward.
Cape Horn was doubled on December 29th, and a
Royal Bay, Isle of Georgia.
(From Cook’s Second Voyage.)
[ To face />. 80.
JAMES COOK 8r
fortnight was spent in surveying the neighbouring islands
and sounds. Then Cook set sail to the eastward to ex-
plore the Gulf of St. Sebastian, a great bay in the coast-
line of Dalrymple’s Southern Continent. But past ex-
perience of Dalrymple’s chart had filled Cook’s mind with
doubt as to the existence of any such coast-line, and when
he found open sea in fact, where land was indicated on
paper, he turned at once to a more hopeful quest. This
was the land discovered by La Roche in 1675, an(^ seen
again by the ship Leon in 1756, which was reported to be
in 540 30' S., though the longitude was shown differently
in various maps. Land was sighted on January 14th,
1775 > first ^ seemed to be only an ice island, but a
sounding in 175 fathoms confirmed the opinion that it
was indeed land, and from its thick covering of snow
it seemed to be of great extent. On the 16th the Reso-
lution was close up to the north coast, and during that
day and the next cruised along it, naming the capes and
bays. Three landings were made at different points,
the British flag was hoisted and the captain “ took pos-
session of the Isle of Georgia in his Majesty’s name,
under a discharge of small arms.”
This was the first discovery of a typical Antarctic land.
True, it lay in a latitude corresponding to that of the
north of England, but even at midsummer it possessed
the climate of Greenland. Ice-cliffs came down at the
head of the bays and masses of ice were continually
breaking off and floating out to sea. If the coast was
repellant, “ the inner parts of the country were not less
savage and horrible. The wild rocks raised their lofty
summits till they were lost in the clouds, and the valleys
lay covered with everlasting snow. Not a tree was to
be seen, nor a shrub even big enough to make a tooth-
6
82 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
pick. The only vegetation we met with was a coarse
long-bladed grass growing in tufts, wild burnet, and a
plant like moss, which sprung from the rocks.”
The shores swarmed with seals, especially at that sea-
son with females and innumerable cubs. It seemed to
Cook absurd to call these creatures sea-lions, for he could
see no resemblance in them to the king of beasts. There
were great flocks of the largest size of penguins; some
that were brought on board weighed from 29 to 38 pounds,
and there were other sea-birds innumerable. When he
reached the eastern extremity of the land Cook got bear-
ings of the same features along the south coast that he
had seen from the western end, and so he was obliged to
conclude that despite its snows this was no continent
but a small island. “ I must confess,” he adds, “ the
disappointment I now met with did not affect me much ;
for to judge of the bulk by the sample it would not be
worth the discovery.” Nevertheless, a point on the south
coast was christened Cape Disappointment.
Cook was greatly impressed with the discovery of a
snow-clad island, and at once concluded that Bouvet's
Cape Circumcision might not have been an iceberg after
all and that the South Atlantic might have more land in
store for him than he would have time to explore. The
weather became foggy and the winds light and variable,
so that it was the 23rd before the Resolution left the
neighbourhood of the Isle of Georgia and set out south-
eastward. The parallel of 6o° S. was crossed on the
meridian of 30° W., but bergs and pack ice were found
so closely massed in that position that it was necessary
to turn again northeastward. On the way Cook discov-
ered a rocky land which he named Southern Thule, be-
cause its latitude, 590 13' S., was higher than that of any
JAMES COOK 83
southern land previously known. The lofty snow-cov-
ered summits were continued towards the north by a
group of peaks, which were named Sandwich Land, in
honour of the First Lord of the Admiralty, but the whole
was so beset with ice as to be unapproachable in the
thick weather that prevailed. The ship sailed northward
for more than 200 miles in sight of the west coast of this
new land before there was an open sea to the east-
ward.
Cook could not decide whether this chain of peaks was
a line of islands or a promontory of the southern land.
He felt convinced that an extensive land lay to the south
for he could not otherwise account for the vast abundance
of ice and for its unequal extension northward in differ-
ent positions. This led him to expect that the snow-
covered continent extended farthest to the north opposite
the Southern Atlantic and the Indian oceans.
From near Sandwich Land in 58° S., 270 W., Cook
steered due east to the meridian of Greenwich and then
northeastward to the assigned latitude of Cape Circum-
cision, resolved this time not to let Bouvet’s Island slip
if it really existed, as he now believed it did. The great
navigator, however, did not sufficiently allow for
Bouvet’s difficulties with the longitude, and his careful
search from 6° E. to 220 E. was, of course, unavailing.
This part of the ocean was found to be much less en-
cumbered by ice than in 1772. Crossing their outward
track south of South Africa, Cook’s sailors could boast
that they had not only put a girdle round the Earth
farther south than it had ever been circled before, but
that they had enough track over to tie a knot on it. Cook
himself observed with quiet satisfaction that Mr. Dal-
rymple’s coast-line of a southern continent in the South
84 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Atlantic also was an error; and so he wiped that too
from the map, leaving the far south of the globe a clean
slate for the insertion of real discoveries.
At last, his labours over and well done, Cook bore up
for Cape Town. On March 18th and 19th, when be-
calmed off the coast, he met a Dutch and a British ship,
which supplied him with fresh provisions and the almost
forgotten luxuries, tea and sugar. Old newspapers also,
which were new to men three years away from civilisa-
tion, and the news that the Adventure had returned to
the Cape a year before, having come round the Horn
and crossed both Pacific and Atlantic nearly in 6o° S.,
well to the south of the track of the Resolution. Cape
Town was reached on March 22nd; there Cook met
Crozet, of Marion's expedition and learnt from him of
the discoveries of Marion and Kerguelen in detail. On
July 30th, 1775, the Resolution dropped anchor at
Spithead, and the most adventurous voyage since that of
Magellan came to an end. The expedition returned after
an absence of three years in good health, having lost only
four men, three by accident and one from a disease
which would probably have killed him sooner if he had
stayed ashore. This record was unique and inaugurated
a new era in long voyages, for thanks to the unceasing
vigilance of Cook and the insistence with which he ad-
ministered preventatives and enforced cleanliness, scurvy
was shown to be no necessary accompaniment of life
at sea.
Cook returned, not as the discoverer of a new conti-
nent, but as one who had achieved the far more difficult
task of proving a negative beyond the cavil of his bit-
terest critic. “ Had we found out a continent there/' he
said, “ we might have been better enabled to gratify curi-
JAMES COOK 85
osity ; but we hope our not having found it, after all our
persevering searches, will leave less room for future
speculations about unknown worlds waiting to be ex-
plored”
The vast masses of ice in the Antarctic region pro-
foundly impressed the navigator and convinced him that
there was indeed a frigid continent within the Antarctic
circle, though he had not caught sight of it. As to the
lands he had seen, and the nature of those beyond, he con-
cluded :
“ Countries condemned to everlasting rigidity by Na-
ture, never to yield to the warmth of the sun, for whose
wild and desolate aspect I find no words ; such are the
countries we have discovered ; what then may those resem-
ble which lie still further to the south? . . . Should
anyone possess the resolution and the fortitude to eluci-
date this point by pushing yet further south than I have
done, I shall not envy him the fame of his discovery, but
I make bold to declare that the world will derive no bene-
fit from it.”
Looking back on the hardships and the difficulties of
his attempts to penetrate the Antarctic regions, Cook
was even led to declare that he believed no man would
ever push farther south than he had done and that the
region round the southern pole would always remain
sealed up in its ice, unknown to man. He considered
that his proof of the possibility of preserving the health
of a ship’s company at sea throughout a long and trying
voyage was the greatest of his achievements and enough
in itself to make the voyage memorable “ when the dis-
putes about a southern continent shall have ceased to
engage the attention and to divide the judgment of
philosophers.” The Royal Society awarded him the
86 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Copley medal, not for his discoveries in geography, but
for this demonstration in hygiene.
Dalrymple was vanquished, but he held his peace;
he had returned to India in a high official position,
and on his retirement from the East India Company's
service, he sunk his old differences with the Admiralty
and became its first hydrographer, when that office was
instituted in 1795. Eleven years later he was dismissed
for some characteristic excess of zeal, and died of a
broken heart.
It is interesting to speculate as to what the result might
have been if instead of leaving the wide section south of
New Zealand unvisited, because from the direction of the
wind he believed there was no land there unless it lay
very far to the south, Cook had endeavoured to push
south to the southward, say of Tasmania. He might
have found a clear sea and discovered the coast of Vic-
toria Land. He might, probably enough, have been
frozen in the pack, and with his inadequate provision for
meeting the added strain of cold and darkness, it is not
too much to say that the chance of his escape would have
been small indeed.
The only honour bestowed on Cook by the government
for his stupendous service to science and to his country,
was a step in naval rank. But he also received the com-
mand of a new expedition to sail in the following year
and to attempt for the unknown north polar regions what
he had already done in the far south. To a man of his
nature, this was perhaps the greatest possible reward,
but the new work was his last, and his death left it un-
completed.
For nearly a generation no other vessel ventured into
the southern ice bent on exploration. But the merchants
JAMES COOK 87
of London were on the alert for new fields of commer-
cial adventure, and the description of the vast abundance
of seals in Cook’s report on the Isle of Georgia fell on
attentive ears. It is difficult for us to realise the vast
importance of animal oil at the end of the eighteenth
century. As a lubricant for machinery, the use of which
was steadily extending in every branch of industry, it
was important; but for the purposes of illumination it
was indispensible. Electric light was only known as
the spark from a frictional electric machine ; coal-gas was
occasionally produced as a laboratory experiment, but
Lord Dundonald’s attempt in 1787 to use it for illumina-
tion was laughed at as the fad of a mad sailor ; mineral
oil was only used in China and some scarcely known
parts of Central Asia ; wax candles lighted the houses of
the rich alone; the poor had to be content with tallow
dips. The lighting of towns was becoming general
and whale oil or seal oil was the only form of
fuel that was thought fit for the purpose. The whalers
of the North were then in the zenith of their glory, and
great fleets sailed each year for the Greenland seas and
came back laden with catches which now seem almost
fabulous. The hunters of the sperm whale had begun
their long voyages in the tropical oceans, the wildest and
most adventurous form of all seafaring, but still the de-
mand increased, far exceeding the supply, and a new
oil-field where the whale or blubber-seal could be met
with was in the quieter commercial life of the last quarter
of the eighteenth century, as great a discovery in its own
way, as a new petroleum field was in the last quarter of
the nineteenth.
As early as the year 1778 the English sealers brought
back from the Isle of Georgia and Magellan Strait as
88 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
many as 40,000 seal-skins, and 2800 tons of sea-elephant
oil, the latter valued at £40,000, and by 1801 the import
of oil from those regions reached 6000 tons, worth
£172,500. In 1791 no less than 102 vessels, averaging
200 tons burden and manned by 3000 sailors, were en-
gaged in securing fur-seals and oil in the Southern Ocean,
and the value of their cargoes in that year was estimated
at £235,000. The voyage of Cook, which cost under
£20,000, thus had proved a very profitable investment for
the nation as a mere matter of money, apart from the
prestige acquired, especially in France, notwithstanding
the war, by Cook's services to science and to humanity.
With so rich a harvest waiting to be gathered at the very
edge of the icy seas the sealers naturally felt little tempta-
tion to wander farther afield and incur certain dangers
for uncertain gain. Thus there is no sure knowledge
of any discovery having been made by British sealers up
to the end of the eighteenth century.
When commerce begins to assert itself the history of
exploration inevitably becomes troubled and contradic-
tory. The commercial explorer owes his first duty to
the firms employing him, and in order to safeguard their
interests he must keep silence amongst outsiders as to
what he has seen. He may even consider it expedient to
permit a suggestio falsi to arise in quarters v/here judi-
cious discouragement might secure him freedom from
competition. “ It is much to be regretted," says Weddell,
“ that any men should be so ill advised as to propagate
hydrographical falsehoods; and I pity those who, when
they meet with an appearance that is likely to throw some
light on the state of the globe, are led through pusillanim-
ity to forego the examination of it. But the extreme
reluctance I have to excite painful feelings anywhere,
r
JAMES COOK 89
restrains me from dealing that just censure which is due
to many of my fellow-seamen, who by negligence, nar-
row views of pecuniary interest, or timidity, have omitted
many practicable investigations.’, The evil was evidently
acutely felt at the time when this was written, about
1824. Long after the monopoly of information has lost
its values the logs of old voyages may sometimes be re-
covered in the archives of the business houses which had
earned on the trade ; but too often they have been de-
stroyed or lost sight of before the historian begins to
inquire about them. This difficulty applies especially to
the beginnings of things, and so we cannot now speak
with certainty as to the first practical men who turned
Cook’s second voyage to account.
The last episode of the dwindling eighteenth century in
the southern seas was the reputed discovery of the Aurora
Islands, a group which for a time was the object of
almost as much interest as Cape Circumcision itself,
though they no longer figure on the chart. It was in
1762 that the ship Aurora on her return from Lima,
sighted two islands about 35 leagues to the east of the
Falklands ; the larger was several miles in extent, and the
ship passed between the two in latitude 53 0 15' S. Islands
in a similar position were seen in 1769 from the San
Miguel, and in 1774 the Aurora once more saw two
islands, one in 53 0 38' S., about three leagues in length,
separated from another at a distance of about three or
four leagues to the E.S.E. The islands were seen again
in 1779 and in 1790, and finally in 1794 the Spanish gov-
ernment sent the corvette Atrevida to fix their position.
This ship, provided with chronometers, left the Falklands
on January 10th, 1794. After a slow voyage, much
protracted by fog and bad weather, the Atrevida sighted
9o SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
a great mountain like a tent divided vertically into two
parts, one side white with snow, the other very dark;
this was taken to be the island in question and was
coasted within a mile of the land, and next day a second
island was seen, not so high as the first, and about ten
miles to the northeast. Several days were lost waiting
for the sun to appear to make an observation possible,
and at last the positions were obtained as 530 15' S. and
4i°4'W. of Cadiz for the first island, and 520 37' S.
and 41 0 26' W. of Cadiz for the second. The cruise of
the Atrevida was a piece of simple marine surveying, of
no importance in exploration ; but it is mentioned here to
show how extremely uncertain the positions assigned to
discoveries at sea often are, even in localities far re-
moved from the atmospheric illusions peculiar to the
polar seas.
CHAPTER V
AMERICAN SEALERS IN THE SOUTH
“ Ever they hear the floe-pack clear and the blast of the old bull-
whale
And the deep seal-roar that beats off-shore above the loudest
gale;
Ever they greet the hunted fleet — lone keels off headlands
drear —
When the sealing schooners flit that way, at hazard, year by
year.”
— Rudyard Kipling.
WHERE nearly everything is left to conjecture it
is impossible to trace out clearly the succession of
events which led to the next advance in discovery. It
is now, we fear, impossible to say when the first Ameri-
can sealer made his way to South Georgia, the name by
which Cook's “ Isle of Georgia ” has been known since
the beginning of the nineteenth century. Weddell, writ-
ing in 1825, when both fur-seals and sea-elephants were
almost extinct on the island, mentioned that the fur seal-
skins brought with the sea-elephant oil to England were
of so little value on account of the furriers not knowing
how to dress them, that their capture was almost neg-
lected. “ At the same time,” he says, “ the Americans
were carrying from Georgia cargoes of these skins to
China, where they frequently obtained a price of from
5 to 6 dollars apiece. It is generally known that the
English did not enjoy the same privilege; by which
91
92 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
means the Americans took entirely out of our hands this
valuable article of trade.,,
The whole question of American enterprise in the
Antarctic regions has been discussed by Mr. Balch in his
“ Antarctica/' a work embodying a great deal of careful
research into old records, and to this we are much in-
debted. The first light on the subject comes from
Swain's Island, which does not now appear on the chart,
but it is reported on the authority of Edmund Fanning
that an island to which he gave that name was discov-
ered in 1800 in 590 30' S., ioo° W., by Captain Swain,
of Nantucket, and that it was “ resorted to by many
seals." It is probably Dougherty Island.
According to a communication which was made by
Captain J. Horsburgh, Hydrographer to the East India
Company, to Professor Heinrich Berghaus, the distin-
guished author of the “ Physical Atlas," American seal-
ers had been at work in the South Shetlands since 1812,
and had kept their field of operations a profound secret
in order to exclude competitors. The shadowy forms
of Captain Swain, of Nantucket, and his crew of phan-
tom Yankees may be imagined breaking in upon the
“ rookeries " of those mist-wreathed island beaches
slaying, skinning and boiling out the blubber of un-
known and now perhaps extinct species of seals. We
have seen that so far as the trade in seal oil was con-
cerned the Americans had no monopoly. To the later
explorations initiated by the enlightened firm of Enderby
Brothers, we devote a special chapter; but their associa-
tion with the far southern trade began before the cen-
tury. We first hear of their ships in the southern seas
in October, 1808, when the Snow Swan under James
Lindsay, and the Otter under Thomas Hopper on a
AMERICAN SEALERS
93
whaling cruise in the South Atlantic, came upon Bouvet’s
Cape Circumcision. Fog and ice, the usual companions
of the mariner in those seas, did not allow them to land
though Lindsay stayed in the neighbourhood for a week,
but they fixed the position of the Cape as 540 15' S. and
4° 15' E. But during the first decades of the nineteenth
century the American interest in the seal-fisheries prob-
ably outweighed the British. How keen it must have
been is shown by the fact that Edmund Fanning was ap-
pointed in 1812 commander of a United States expedi-
tion, in the Volunteer and Hope, for a voyage of discov-
ery to explore the southern hemisphere and circumnavi-
gate the globe. The unfortunate war between Great
Britain and the United States which broke out in that
year made it impossible to proceed with the expedition.
Though the smoke of war now involved the whole of
Europe and North America, and the outlook for the fu-
ture was black enough at home, the old Hanseatic
motto held its force “ Necessare est navigare ” and
year by year more and more ships sought the stormy
neighbourhood of the Horn. After the final struggle of
1815 when the disturber of the peace of Europe was him-
self enisled in the solitudes of the South Atlantic the
traders of the east and west sailed southward in in-
creasing numbers.
The first absolutely clear episode in the history of Ant-
arctic discovery since Cook was due to a British seaman,
William Smith, captain of the brig Williams, of Blyth,
one of the north country craft so highly rated by Cook.
Trading between Montevideo and Valparaiso he brought
his ship round Cape Horn with a bold southward sweep in
February, 1819, believing that by keeping far off the land
he would find better weather for making what is always
94
SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
an anxious passage under sail. On the 19th, in latitude
62° 40' S. and longitude 6o° W. he thought he saw land.
Night fell before he could make quite sure and he pru-
dently hauled off to the north for the few hours of dark-
ness of the southern summer night and stood south again
next day when the land appeared to him to be unmistak-
able.
He happened to have a valuable cargo on board and
being himself part owner of the ship he was afraid to run
the risk of a storm descending upon him when off an un-
known coast ; being afraid too that the underwriters might
make trouble about his insurances if he were to convert
a coasting trip into a voyage of discovery, he resumed
his course and reached Valparaiso in due time. Smith
spoke of his discovery to the English residents at the
Chilean port, but was only laughed at for his pains, and
it would appear that some of his ship's company thought
that no land had been seen but merely icebergs. It was
about mid-winter (June, 1819) before Smith obtained a
return cargo, and although he ran south to 62° 12' he saw
nothing of the land and nearly got caught in the sea-ice
from which he was glad to escape even without con-
firmation of his discovery. At Montevideo as at Val-
paraiso incredulity and ridicule were all he received from
his countrymen, but a party of Americans approached
him desirous of further information and promising to
charter his brig for a sealing voyage on very favourable
terms if he would only tell them the exact position of
the alleged new land.
In order to understand the keenness of international
rivalry at this period we must remember that three Amer-
ican whale-ships went round Cape Horn for every one
under the British flag. Reckless extermination was the
Fi kitiant Island, one of the South Shetlands.
(From D’Urville's Atlas )
AMERICAN SEALERS
95
only method of seal-hunting resorted to on the islands of
South Georgia and the coasts of South America so that
the first in the field at a new sealing ground was sure of
an immense booty, and late-comers as likely as not would
have to go empty away. Smith was determined that he
would not part with his secret without an equivalent to
anyone but a British subject and absolutely refused to
give the American inquirers the information they wanted.
He offered to take them to the southern land for a seal-
ing voyage and if he could not find it to charge nothing
for the use of his vessel, but that remarkably liberal offer
was rejected; the inquirers wanted chiefly to know exactly
where the land lay. Several months elapsed before he
could get a cargo together for another trip to Chile. At
last he succeeded and on October 15th, 1819, came up with
the land in the position where he had seen it before, got
soundings in 40 fathoms and next day sent a boat ashore
with the first mate to plant the Union Jack and take pos-
session for Great Britain. He called the new land New
South Britain but afterwards changed the name to New
South Shetland because it was situated in the same lati-
tude as the Shetland Isles of the northern hemisphere.
The name did not imply any opinion as to the insular
nature of the new land to part of which he refers as the
mainland, and the name of Antarctic Continent was even
revived for it by some German geographers when the
discovery became known in Europe in the following
year.
Smith spent some days in cruising along the coast,
standing out to sea at night and returning in the morn-
ing toward the land, picking out now a cape and now a
mountain in the fog and naming them more or less ap-
propriately, occasionally losing sight of the coast, and ap-
96 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
parently making no other landing. The scenery re-
minded him strongly of Norway, so strongly that he even
imagined he could see pine trees waving on the distant
slopes, and he satisfied himself that the rocks and off-
lying islands swarmed with fur-seals, blubber-seals and
birds in great variety. Whales too abounded including
what he declared to be “ the true spermaceti whale.”
Altogether Smith saw the land more or less continu-
ously along a course of 250 miles, and on reaching Val-
paraiso at the end of November he was able to give such
particulars as convinced the British residents of the
reality of the discovery. Apart from the enormous
value for the seal and whale fishery the prospect of hav-
ing some British possession, however desolate, within ten
days’ sail was very welcome to Smith’s compatriots who
did not feel too secure under the government of a new
republic still at war with its mother country. They re-
sented the recent abandonment of the Falkland Islands
and were intensely anxious to have some outpost of the
empire nearer than Cape Town on the one side and Syd-
ney on the other. These feelings were fully shared by
the British naval commander on the Pacific Station, Cap-
tain W. H. Shirreff, who on hearing Smith’s story re-
solved to take immediate action. Mr. J. Miers, F. R. S.,
the merchant to whom we are indebted for the first
description of the finding of New South Shetland, had
commenced to load the Williams for her return voyage
when Captain Shirreff chartered her for a cruise of
exploration, and Miers, who was an enthusiastic natural-
ist, at once transferred his cargo to another vessel and
gladly set the brig free for her more important work.
Edward Bransfield, Master R. N., was put in charge, and
three midshipmen of H. M. S. Andromache accompanied
AMERICAN SEALERS
97
him to aid in surveying. Dr. Young of H. M. S. Slaney*
also volunteered, as a surgeon was considered necessary,
and the brig sailed on December 19th.
Bransfield reached the new land on January 16th,
1820, and remained off its coasts until March 21st, fol-
lowing it for 90 or io° to the eastward and about 30 from
north to south. He sailed amongst the islands and
charted them, going as far south as 64° 30', but did not
apparently determine whether the land was entirely in-
sular or in part continental. He landed at one point at
least and found the only vegetation to consist of stunted
grass. Trees were entirely absent.
The question as to the priority of discovery by Dirk
Gerritsz is hardly worth discussing as the evidence on
which his connection with the South Shetlands is based
is now known to be so very slight. Slight though it
was, however, it would apparently have led to the dis-
covery of the group in 1820 whether Smith had
sighted it or not.
Stonington, Connecticut, a small town of seafaring
folk, now comes into prominence as a centre of the
southern sealing enterprise of the United States. Fleets
of small vessels were fitted out there year after year,
and the pluck of their skippers and crews led them often
far into the Antarctic regions. Amongst the many cap-
tains who sailed out of Stonington a few have become
famous and left their names as memorials on the lands
they explored and despoiled. The first experiment of
* An amusing error has crept into several books of reference
through Dr. Young dating an anonymous description of the cruise,
which appeared in the Edinburgh Philosophical Journal from “ H.
M. S. Slaney.” The address was taken for a signature and a
mythical Mr. Slaney has thus been credited with the authorship
of the account.
7
98 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
which we have definite information was due to the initia-
tive of Mr. Edmund Fanning, who had before that time
been in South Georgia and formed theories as to the
proximity of land to the south based on the drifting of
the ice. He had also read of Gerritsz’s reported discov-
ery and resolved that the matter was worthy of being put
to the test; moreover, he knew of the cruise of Captain
Swain of Nantucket in those waters, and he also knew
a great deal more than he set down as to the doings of
earlier sealers. Anyhow, in July, 1819, the Hersilia sailed
from Stonington under the command of James P. Shef-
field with W. A. Fanning as supercargo. They visited the
Aurora islands, or some land which was taken for them,
and sailing south to 63° discovered what they took to be
the land of Dirk Gerritsz, naming several islands and land-
ing on one at a place named Hersilia Cove in February,
1820. If the latitude is correct these islands must have
been members of the South Shetland group, and the Wil-
liams and Hersilia must for a time have been very near
neighbours though they did not sight each other. The
Hersilia came home without delay bringing a quantity
of sealskins, including those of the valuable southern
fur-seal. There was a flutter of excitement at Stoning-
ton, and energetic steps were taken to follow up this
successful voyage.
The southern summer of 1820-21 was a dark one for
the fur-seals whose ancestors had basked upon the shores
of the South Shetlands for untold centuries, following
their quaint semi-civilised life and pursuing their pa-
triarchal customs of war and love undisturbed by any
being capable of contending with them. The sentry
bulls saw, with the stolid unconcern of ignorance, the
approach of a fleet of five sail ; certainly it was without
CO
c*
Powell’s Chart of the South Shetlands.
AMERICAN SEALERS
$9
fear or suspicion, for the intruders found they could
butcher the unresisting beasts without any preliminary
trouble of hunting or stalking. Nor were the Americans
alone, British enterprise was equally ready to profit by
the new discovery, and there is little doubt that at least
as many ships flew the red ensign as the stars and stripes
that summer amongst the southern isles. The killing
of seals, perhaps from the total ignorance of the victims
of the threatened fate, perhaps from the almost human
family afifection they display, perhaps from the pathos
of their innocent eyes, seems nearer murder than any
other form of butchery or sport, and the first assault
upon such a tribe of creatures is really painful to think
about. Harrowing tales are told by the seal-slayers
themselves, some of whom, if their narratives are to be
trusted, spent a large part of their sea-time in shedding
“ manly tears ” over the ordinary risks of their calling ;
but we need not dwell upon scenes to which our readers
will not have time to become hardened, and the tragedy
of the fur-seal may be left to form a dark but unobtrusive
background to the lighter features of this period of dis-
covery.
The five American vessels were the brig Frederick
under the command of Benjamin Pendleton, in charge of
the fleet; the brig Plersilia again under James P. Shef-
field ; the schooners Express and Free Gift and the forty-
ton cutter Hero, whose skipper was Nathaniel B. Palmer.
They found headquarters in Yankee Plarbour, Decep-
tion Island, in 63° S., a cove in the remarkable natural
harbour formed by the sea invading the central hollow of
a huge volcanic crater, a portion of the side of which had
broken down. The island, in fact, is a mere ring of
volcanic rock rising from deep water to a great height
ioo SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
and forming as fine a look-out as the crater forms a har-
bour. On this look-out Captain Pendleton observed one
clear day several mountains far to the south, one of them
an active volcano.
Captain Palmer was sent off in the little Hero to look
more closely at the new mountains, and he found them
to be part of a great region stretching far to the south
laden with snow, and even at midsummer edged along
the coast with a girdle of ice which discouraged any at-
tempt at landing. It was not, perhaps, a very interest-
ing land to its discoverer, for there were no fur-seals on
the shore, only the spotted sea-leopard, which could bide
its time till its more valuable comrade of the sea was
extinct.
On his way back from the discovery of his land,
Palmer met the not uncommon fate of being enveloped
in a thick fog, a dreary circumstance in any part of the
ocean, but unutterably so when one knows one’s ship
to be absolutely alone upon the sea, save for the drift-
ing bergs. When the fog lifted Palmer looked to port
and starboard with amazement to find on either side of
him a full-rigged frigate and a sloop of war, nor could
his astonishment be much lessened when in response to
his hoisting the “ gridiron/’ they responded with the St.
Andrew’s Cross. Fanning tells the story pleasantly, and
we may quote his words:
“ These ships he then found were the two discovery
ships sent out by the Emperor Alexander of Russia, on
a voyage round the world. To the commodore’s in-
terrogatory if he had any knowledge of those islands
then in sight, and what they were, Captain P. replied,
he was well acquainted with them, and that they were
the South Shetlands, at the same time making a tender
J
The Meeting of Palmer and Bellingshausen.
(From Fanning’s Voyages round the IVor/dhj,
AMERICAN SEALERS
IOI
of his services to pilot the ships into a good harbor
at Deception Island, the nearest by, where water and re-
freshment such as the islands afforded could be ob-
tained ; he also informed the Russian officer that his ves-
sel belonged to a fleet of five sail, out of Stonington,
under command of Captain B. Pendleton, and then at
anchor in Yankee Harbor, who, would most cheerfully
render any assistance in his power. The commodore
thanked him kindly, ‘ but previous to our being en-
veloped in the fog/ said he, ‘ we had sight of those
islands, and concluded we had made a discovery, but
behold, when the fog lifts, to my great surprise, here
is an American vessel, apparently in as fine order as if
it were but yesterday she had left the United States;
not only this, but her master is ready to pilot my vessels
into port ; we must surrender the palm to you Americans/
continued he, very flatteringly. His astonishment was
yet more increased when Captain Palmer informed him
of the existence of an immense extent of land to the
south, whose mountains might be seen from the mast-
head when the fog should clear away entirely. Captain
Palmer, while on board the frigate, was entertained in
the most friendly manner, and the commodore was so
forcibly struck with the circumstances of the case, that
he named the coast then to the south Palmer’s Land.”
The incident as a whole has an air of probability; the
courteous speech and generous recognition of the work
of others were characteristic of Bellingshausen, who was
in every thought and act a man of whom any navy might
be proud. But we feel sure that Bellingshausen never
claimed the discovery of the South Shetlands, the ex-
istence of which he knew of beforehand ; and it seems
strange that if informed of the whereabouts of Palmer
io2 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Land he made no reference to that fact in his own book
or in the atlas accompanying it.
Palmer well deserved any kindly attention shown by
Bellingshausen, and we feel almost sorry that it was his
brother, Captain A. S. Palmer, who was the hero of the
pleasing little description by Dr. Webster of H. M. S.
Chanticleer, to which vessel a similar service was per-
formed in Tierra del Fuego eight years later:
“ When he made his appearance on board the brig
with Captain Foster, we took him for another Robinson
Crusoe in the shape of some shipwrecked mariner. He
was a kind and good-hearted man and, thinking that
they would be a treat to us, had brought with him a
basket of albatross’ eggs, which were to us a most accept-
able present,”
The Stonington fleet returned in the following year,
when Palmer in a stouter vessel, the James Monroe of
eighty tons, continued the exploration of the land named
after him. Unfortunately, Fanning, whose description
is the only one we know of, is deplorably vague as to
positions, and it is hard to make sense of his statement :
“ After proceeding to the southward, he met ice fast and
firmly attached to the shore of Palmer’s Land; he then
traced the coast to the eastward, keeping as near the shore
as the ice would suffer ; at times he was able to come along
shore, at other points he could not approach within from
one to several miles, owing to the firm ices, although it
was in December and January, the middle summer
months in this hemisphere. In this way he coasted along
this continent upwards of fifteen degrees, viz., from 64°
and odd, down below the 49th of west longitude. The
coast, as he proceeded to the eastward, became more
clear of ice, so that he was able to trace the shore better ;
AMERICAN SEALERS
103
in 61 0 41' south latitude, a strait was discovered, which
he named Washington Strait, this he entered and about
a league within came to a fine bay, which he named Mon-
roe bay, at the head of this was a good harbor; here
they anchored, calling it Palmer’s Harbor.”
If Palmer followed the coast to 490 W. he followed it
into what is certainly open sea, and if he found a har-
bour in 6i° 41' S. it could be in no known land. Fan-
ning apparently suggests that Palmer’s harbour lay in
49° W., which is far to the east of any land except the
South Orkneys ; and from Powell’s map there is no doubt
that what Palmer followed was the edge of the pack
which that season stretched unbroken to the South Ork-
neys where the strait he threaded and the harbour in
which he anchored are duly charted. Nathaniel B. Pal-
mer continued to follow the sea for many a year and died
in 1877 at the age of seventy-eight.
Captain George Powell, apparently a British sealer,
accompanied Palmer in the sloop Dove for a considerable
part of his cruise in 1821-22, and gave a clear account of
his track in an excellent chart published in London on his
return. This shows that he had not only improved the
survey of the South Shetlands, but discovered and sur-
veyed the group of islands usually called the South
Orkneys, but originally known as the Powell Islands, a
name to which it would seem only right to return.
Powell might have done much as an explorer, but he
perished in a squabble with the natives of Tonga in 1824
at the age of twenty-nine.
For years to come the Americans regularly visited the
South Shetlands, South Georgia and neighbouring
islands and did not cease until the fur seal was extinct,
and even the hair seal had become scarce. The exploits
104 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
of one other amongst their number must be referred to,
Benjamin Morrell, who in 1832 published a book of his
voyages resembling in many respects that published by
Edmund Fanning in the following year, from which we
have already quoted. Fanning was vague, but Morrell
was vaguer as to dates and places, and moreover, he was
intolerably vain and as great a braggart as any hero of
autobiographical romance. That he did sail to the Ant-
arctic regions we cannot doubt, for he mentions the
names of too many men still living at the time of publica-
tion to leave that matter in question; but the greater
part of his most entertaining narrative concerns the
happy isles of the Pacific and the troubled coast of South
America. The incidents in his book are frequently very
similar to those recorded by Weddell and other voyagers,
whose published writings Morrell had seen, but in every
case they are more remarkable and highly coloured, while
the sheer absurdity of some of them shows that the
author is romancing regardless of fact.
Morrell says he was a wild youth, running away to sea
in 1812, to be speedily taken by a British man-of-war
and detained for eight months a prisoner of war at St.
John’s, Newfoundland, and after liberation back to the
sea again, his valour no whit abated, though his second
voyage landed him a prisoner of war on Dartmoor for
two years. In June, 1821, “ having heard much of the
South Shetland Islands,” which as we have seen, were
discovered three years before, though previously he had
only sailed before the mast, he received the post of first
mate on the Wasp under Captain Robert Johnson, and
started on a sealing voyage. Here remarkable adven-
tures befell him in the way of hairbreadth escapes from
drowning, from freezing to death in a gale in a small
AMERICAN SEALERS
I05
boat fifty miles from his ship, and in extricating the
schooner from deadly peril in the pack. This last ex-
ploit illustrates his presence of mind and his rhetorical
instinct, for in giving orders for a manoeuvre requir-
ing instant action, he quotes a speech of ninety-one elo-
quent words in which he adjured the men to ex-ert
themselves !
On his return, Morrell at the age of twenty-seven, was
given command of the Wasp and sent off on a South Sea
sealing voyage, leaving New York on June 30, 1822.
He was permitted by his owners to make explorations in
the Antarctic regions and he did not lack confidence in
the powers of the human race or of himself, for as he
put it:
“ The march of intellect is irresistible ; and were the
earth itself one globe of ice, the fire of genius, directed
by the wand of science, could melt a passage to its centre.
The day is not far distant when a visit to the South Pole
will not be thought more of a miracle than to cause an
egg to stand upon its point.”
The truth of Morrell's voyage has been so seriously
questioned that many geographers prefer to ignore it.
We cannot altogether share that view, for a man
may be ignorant, boastful and obscure, and yet have
done a solid piece of work, though his account of it is
crusted thick with exaggeration and mistake. Such a
description may stimulate a more sober-minded explorer
to outdo the deeds of the boaster and advance knowledge
more than if he had had no claimant before his eyes to
confirm or confute. Hence, since Morrell's Antarctic voy-
age is little known, we shall give an abstract of his ac-
count of it, with such remarks as may be necessary.
Several months were spent in surveying the coast of
106 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Patagonia, and the first fortnight of November 1822 was
occupied in a purposeless search for the Aurora Islands,
although Morrell had just met his old captain, Johnson,
at the Falklands, returning from the same hopeless quest,
and knew of Weddell’s exhaustive and conclusive search
made two years before. He then visited South Georgia
but found no fur-seals, and on December 6th, arrived
without any apparent difficulty at “ Bouvette’s Island,
so called from being first seen by that navigator in Oc-
tober, 1808.” Here the fore-shortening of time is pain-
fully in evidence, since Bouvet’s Cape Circumcision of
1738 is run into Lindsay and Hopper’s rediscovery in
1808, with a considerable flavour of Norris’s landing in
1825. The only interesting fact is that this reference
proves that in 1832, when Morrell’s book was published,
the fact that the island had been seen in 1808 (and also
in 1825) was known among the southern sealers. Ac-
cording to Morrell, Bouvet Island was over 25 miles
in circumference, situated in latitude 54° 15' S., longitude
6° ii' E., and off the west end of the island where there
was a beach, a chain of grounded icebergs shut in a
tranquil harbour, in which the Wasp anchored in 17
fathoms half a mile from shore. Rather fewer than
two hundred skins were yielded by this beach, on which,
the seals were so tame “ that they would come up and
play among the men who were skinning their com-
panions.” A circumnavigation of the island showed that
there was no other point save this beach on which a seal
could land. The island was of volcanic rock, the cliffs
in some parts presenting the appearance of blue and
green glass; the mountain, which rose some 3000 feet
above the sea-level, was covered with pumice-stone,
with some patches of vegetation. Not a word is said as
Hknjamin Morrkll, Jr.
I To face p. to6.
AMERICAN SEALERS 107
to its being snow-covered, nor does the weather seem to
have been foggy.
On December 8th the Wasp left, steering southeast,
and on the 13th she was in 6o° n'S., io° 23' E., and
thence she made for Kerguelen Land. After seal-hunt-
ing round the island from December 31st to January
12th, 1823, the Wasp headed southwest, and on the 22nd,
was in 62° 27' S. and 940 11' E. Here a number of great
icebergs made it necessary to turn northward, and the
voyage was continued between 50° and 58° as far east
as 1170 E., a point due south of Western Australia.
Hitherto, the weather had been bad, but on February
1st it became clear and pleasant, with a northeast wind.
Now comes the part of the voyage concerning the truth
of which most doubt has been entertained, and as it is
unfortunately dismissed in very few words, we quote it
exactly as it is given in Morrell’s book :
“ By an observaton at noon we were in lat. 64° 52' S.,
long. 1180 27' E. The wind soon freshened to an eleven-
knot breeze, and we embraced this opportunity of making
to the west; being, however, convinced that the farther
we went south beyond lat. 64° the less ice was to be ap-
prehended, we steered a little to the southward until
zve crossed the antarctic circle and were in lat. 69° n' S.,
long. 48° 13' E. In this latitude there was no field-ice,
and very few ice-islands in sight. We likewise discov-
ered that the winds in this latitude blow three-fourths of
the time from the southeast, or the northeast, very light,
and attended with more or less snow, every day; and
that the westerly winds were accompanied with severe
hail-squalls.
“ February 23d. — We continued steering to the west-
ward with every necessary caution until 4 p. m., when
io8 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
being in lat. 69° 42' S., we crossed the meridian of
Greenwich in a fine clear day, and with the wind from
S. E. to S. S. W., from which quarter it had blown for
the last four days. We now steered for the north and
west for Sandwich Land.”
Sandwich Land was reached on February 28th, and
the interest of this part of the voyage makes a short dis-
cussion necessary. Up to February 1st, the track from
Kerguelen Land eastward lay to the north of Cook’s,
and the point where the westward voyage began is in
waters that have been frequently visited since 1823. If
the course from this point had been due west no one
would feel inclined to question it; and if Morrell had
only stated the longitude at which he “ steered a little to
the south ” and that at which he crossed the Antarctic
circle we could easily follow and criticise the track. Ob-
servations made by all subsequent voyagers in those seas
show the extreme probability of southeasterly winds pre-
vailing south of 64° S., and so far as we can ascertain,
Morrell was the only man except Balleny who ever tried
to sail westward for any distance south of 6o° S. with a
view of penetrating the ice. All other explorers had
tried to get south when sailing from west to east against
the prevailing winds of high latitudes. If Morrell
steered southward and crossed the Antarctic circle about
IT5 E., he must have passed to the southward of the land
charted as Budd Land, Knox Land, Termination Land,
Kemp Land, Enderby Land, and Kaiser Wilhelm II.
Land, proving them (if they all exist) to be islands;
but between his position south of Enderby Land in
48 15 E., and the meridian of Greenwich, where he
turned northward, his track lay so near the farthest south
gained between those meridians by Cook, Biscoe, Bell-
AMERICAN SEALERS
109
ingshausen, and Ross, that it is easily credible. There is
no inherent improbability in the insular character of the
reported lands behind which Morrell seems to claim to
have passed ; but there is nothing in his narrative to show
that he may not have passed to the north of them ; there
is no improbability in a track of open water being found
south of the floating pack-ice. The speed of the voyage
is indeed remarkable and some parts of it almost in-
credible, but we are not disposed to place much confidence
in the longitudes assigned, even if we allow that the cruise
is honestly reported.
After leaving Sandwich Land Morrell turned south-
west again, passed through a heavy pack and came out
into an open sea in 64° 21' S., 38° 51' W., on March 10th,
reaching 70° 14' S. in 40° 3' W. on March 14th, 1823.
Here, he says, he found the temperature of the air to be
470 and that of the water 440, values certainly at least
ten and perhaps fifteen degrees higher than we can be-
lieve possible in such a latitude and at such a date.
Weddell, a month before, had broken his only two ther-
mometers a short distance to the north of the same posi-
tion ; but said that the air and water were no colder than
they were ten degrees (of latitude) further north.
Could Morrell have “ corrected ” Weddell’s temperatures
for 6o° S. by ten degrees of temperature, and claimed
these figures as representative of the conditions in 70° S. ?
It is curious to notice that Morrell refers to Weddell as
having reached a higher latitude in the same sea the year
before, whereas it was in the same year and only a month
earlier. From his farthest south, Morrell bore north-
west and coasted some part of the land called New South
Greenland by Johnson to its north cape, in 62° 41' S.
This was probably intended for the land known later as
no SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Louis Philippe Land and Joinville Land, but if so, its
longitude was wrong by io°. Although a new ship sev-
eral years later was built for this adventurous skipper
and named the Antarctic , he never seems to have gone
towards the ice with her, and we leave Captain Benjamin
Morrell, Jr., with his reflections at the farthest south.
“ I regret extremely that circumstances would not per-
mit me to proceed farther south, when I was in lat.
70° 14' S., on Friday, the 14th day of March, 1823, as
I should then have been able, without the least doubt, to
penetrate as far as the eighty-fifth degree of south lati-
tude. But situated as I then was, without fuel, and with
not sufficient water to last twenty days, — destitute of the
various nautical and mathematical instruments requisite
for such an enterprise, and without the aid of such
scientific gentlemen as discovery ships should always be
supplied with; taking all these things into consideration,
I felt myself compelled to abandon, for the present, the
glorious attempt to make a bold advance directly to the
South Pole. The way was open before me, clear and
unobstructed ; the temperature of the air and water mild ;
the weather pleasant; the wind fair. . . . The anguish
of my regret, however, was much alleviated by the hope
that on my return to the United States, an appeal to the
government of my country for countenance and assist-
ance in this (if successful) magnificent enterprise would
not be made in vain. To the only free nation on earth
should belong the glory of exploring a spot of the globe
which is the ne plus ultra of latitude, where all the de-
grees of longitude are merged into a single point, and
where the sun appears to revolve in a horizontal circle.
But this splendid hope has since been lost in the gloom
of disappointment! The vassals of some petty despot
AMERICAN SEALERS
1 1 1
may one day place this precious jewel of discovery in the
diadem of their royal master. Would to heaven it might
be set among the stars of our national banner ! . . . I
have no doubt that the British government, ever foremost
to encourage genius and reward merit, will yet give my
much esteemed and worthy friend, Captain Weddell, an-
other opportunity of distinguishing himself with the com-
mand of an expedition towards the South Pole.”
Looking at the brevity and comparative indifference
with which the eloquent Morrell dismisses the Antarctic
part of his voyages we are inclined to believe that he did
make a passage from somewhere near the meridian of
Kerguelen toward Weddell Sea at a high latitude; but
on account of his blunders, his acknowledged habit of
building the experience of others into his story and the
silence of his contemporaries as to his exploits, we can-
not credit any one of the particulars which he alleges,
and must regard his claims as “ not proven.”
Morrell subsequently offered his services to the French
government for D’Urville’s expedition of 1837, but they
were not accepted, and he also importuned the Messrs.
Enderby for employment, but Mr. Charles Enderby stated
publicly that “ he had heard so much of him that he did
not think fit to enter into any engagement with him.”
Captain Robert Johnson, who has been several times
referred to, was one of the few Antarctic navigators who
perished in those seas. He set out from New Zealand
in 1826 with the intention, according to Morrell, of seek-
ing new land between 6o° and 65° S. south of that island,
and was never heard of again. It might very pos-
sibly be that he penetrated the pack into Ross Sea, and
was unable to make his way out.
The American sealers continued to visit the islands
1 12 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
bordering the Antarctic circle, though with the exception
of Morrell, we have not found that any of them claimed
to have crossed the magic line that bounds the Antarctic
regions properly so-called. No doubt they accumulated
much information that has been lost to us, because at
that time no society existed in America which concerned
itself with collecting and preserving records of explora-
tion or of encouraging geographical research. The
work was that of groups of individuals, amongst whom
some were fully alive to the importance of scientific ob-
servation, though to most the seal was more interesting
than the land it lived on.
The Antarctic summer of 1829-30 saw Captain Pen-
dleton in the brig Seraph, and Captain Palmer in the brig
Annawan once more in the South Shetlands and cruising
to the north and west of Palmer Land. On this occasion,
they were accompanied by two scientific men, Mr. J. N.
Reynolds and Mr. Watson, to whom the possibilites of re-
search in the vast unknown area on whose verge they
were hovering, naturally appealed strongly. Mr. Rey-
nolds states distinctly that several sealers had gone south
of 70° S., had pursued their work on uncharted coasts,
but declined from commercial motives to give any defi-
nite description of their discoveries. We are glad to
learn that the old records and living memories at Ston-
ington are being laid under contribution in order to
produce what cannot fail to be a fascinating work, the
full history of American sealers in the far south.
In 1&33> Edmund Fanning presented a memorial to
Congress “ praying that a national discovery and ex-
ploring expedition be sent to the South Seas/’ and a
strong effort was made to influence public opinion in the
matter. The Americans felt that they had been first in
AMERICAN SEALERS 113
the field and they saw that they were in danger of losing
the credit of making new discoveries, for a formidable
rivalry in their sealing ventures had sprung up. J. N.
Reynolds helped forward the cause in which he was
keenly interested, and in the course of an address to
Congress in 1836, he referred to the “ extensive group of
islands lying north of the coast of Palmer’s Land, the
extent of which neither we nor any subsequent navigators
have as yet ascertained ; though a British vessel touched
at a single spot in 1831, taking from it the American and
giving it an English name.”
8
CHAPTER VI
Bellingshausen's antarctic voyage
“To reside
In thrilling regions of thick-ribbed ice ;
To be imprisoned in the viewless winds
And blown with restless violence round about
The pendent world.”
— Shakespeare.
WHEN the fog lifted from the deck of the little Hero
in Bransfield Channel one morning in 1821 the wor-
thy Nathaniel B. Palmer of Stonington, Connecticut,
gazed, we are told, with very natural surprise on two Rus-
sian men-of-war which loomed above him out of the
darkness. They appeared without notice and after the
momentary intercourse with the sealers of Yankee Har-
bour they disappeared without a trace for many a day.
Even now the volumes which conceal the facts of the
cruise in the Russian language remain without a full
published translation into any tongue of western Europe,
and it was many years before even a summary of the log
of the expedition became known to sailors. The excel-
lent abstract in German published by Professor Gravelius
in 1902 gives the only really satisfactory account yet
accessible of one of the greatest Antarctic expeditions on
record, a voyage well worthy of being placed beside that
of Cook, the only precursor in those waters.
Early in 1819 the Emperor Alexander I., probably act-
ing on the advice of Baron de Traversey the head of
BELLINGSHAUSEN
1 15
the Russian Admiralty, resolved on a scheme of polar
exploration on a truly imperial scale. He decided to send
out two expeditions simultaneously to explore the two
polar regions each consisting of two ships of the Russian
navy under the command of naval officers. The arrange-
ments were carried through with all the speed and thor-
oughness that an absolute monarch could command, and
there is no doubt that the project of exploration was
very warmly cherished by the Tsar, whilst Baron de
Traversey threw himself heart and soul into the work of
equipment. Everything was far advanced before the
commanders of the four ships were finally appointed.
The supreme command of the southern expedition was
given to Commodore Rashmanoff, a celebrated Russian
sailor who had served under Krusenstern on his voyage
of circumnavigation. But the commodore had had the
misfortune to lose his ship on the Skaw, and was wait-
ing in Copenhagen for the return of summer before mak-
ing the journey to St. Petersburg. On receiving his
orders he excused himself on the plea of shattered health
and physical inability to undertake so laborious and re-
sponsible a command, but he recommended for the post his
old comrade with Krusenstern, Captain Bellingshausen
then in command of the frigate Flora in the Black Sea.
Fabian, or perhaps more correctly Thaddeus, von Bell-
ingshausen, was born in Oesel, the island which lies
across the mouth of the Gulf of Riga, in the year 1778.
He was thus forty-one years of age when chosen for the
command. On May 5th, Bellingshausen received a per-
emptory order to report himself at St. Petersburg to re-
ceive the Emperor’s instructions, and making all haste
from Sevastopol he reached the capital on June 3rd and
received the appointment to command the expedition.
ii6 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
The ships had already nearly completed their prepara-
tions for sea, and lay at Cronstadt where the new com-
mander had scarcely six weeks at his disposal before set-
ting out. He was personally to command the Vostok
(Orient) a corvette barely 130 feet long and of almost 33
feet beam, built of pine at St. Petersburg the previous
year, and specially sheathed in copper below water.
The moment Bellingshausen saw the lofty masts and
slender spars of his ship he gave orders for them to be
Cut down, the sail-area diminished, and the ship rigged
and strengthened for rough weather.
The second in command of the expedition, who had
received his commission on April 5th, was Lieutenant
Lazareff, a promising officer who had served as a vol-
unteer for four years in the British navy and then, enter-
ing the Russian service, had commanded a ship of the
Russian-American company and had circumnavigated
the world on his voyage to Alaska and back. His ship
was an old Baltic trader, the Ladoga, of 530 tons, 120 feet
long and of 30 feet beam, also built of pine and specially
strengthened for the cruise. Lazareff had her masts
reduced and other changes made, and the Emperor is-
sued a decree changing her name to Mirni (Pacific) ;
but Bellingshausen observed drily that despite the change
of name any naval officer could see at a glance that she
could never keep pace with the Vostok. As a matter
of fact the leading ship had to make almost the whole
voyage under shortened sail in order not to run away
from her clumsy consort. While the repairs were being
carried out with feverish haste Bellingshausen had a hard
time of it selecting his officers and crew. The number
of candidates was so great that the selection proved ex-
tremely difficult but at last the requisite reduction of the
Admiral Bellingshausen.
(From a portrait in the Library of the Imperial Naval Department
in St. Petersburg.)
[ 7 o face p. 1 16.
BELLINGSHAUSEN
it 7
list was made. Eventually the Vostok’s complement con-
sisted of the captain, four lieutenants, a midshipman, an
astronomer, an artist, a surgeon, various warrant officers
and servants, 14 naval artillery men and 71 sailors, a total
number of 117 men. The Mimi carried a captain,
two lieutenants, two midshipmen, two warrant officers, a
surgeon, seven artillerymen and 44 sailors, the total num-
ber being given as 72. To this total we must add a
chaplain, for frequent references are made to a priest who
sailed on the Mirni, though his name is not given in the
list.
The provisions were very carefully selected and as
proof of their quality Bellingshausen points to the ex-
cellent health of the expedition and the absence of scurvy.
The staple food was salted meat, some of which was
brought back in excellent condition after two years in
all climates. Biscuits, sauerkraut and a small quantity
of condensed soup are the only other articles of food
mentioned. Special attention was paid to the provision
of abundant warm clothing for the men, and the wages
were fixed at eight times the usual amount, while an extra
year's pay was given to all ratings on their return. The
expedition was in fact planned throughout on the most
generous scale. Two German naturalists were selected
to accompany the ships and appointed to join at Copen-
hagen on July 23rd.
On July 5th the Emperor visited the ships in Cron-
stadt and next day entertained the commanders at Peter-
hof, impressing upon them his desire that they should
act in the most friendly manner possible towards every
one they might meet, and in particular that they should
never use their weapons against any savages except in
the uttermost need.
n8 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
The two expeditions sailed from Cronstadt on July
15th, 1819, the Vostok and the Mirni leaving first, bound
for the farthest south to supplement the voyage of Cook ;
the Otkritie and Blagonamerennii following, bound for
the farthest north with the special task of making the
North West Passage from Bering Strait eastward.
The Antarctic expedition reached Copenhagen on July
25th, when Bellingshausen and LazarefE landed to pick
up their German naturalists and lay in a supply of rum,
wine and vinegar for the cruise. The latter pui'pose was
speedily effected, but the naturalists did not appear. They
wrote explaining that a long voyage demanded much
time for preparation, that they found the time insufficient
and so were sorry that they could not come. A desper-
ate effort was made to find Danish substitutes but in vain.
Bellingshausen says : “ We have lamented during the
whole course of the voyage and still lament that two Rus-
sians were not selected to carry out the natural history
work of the expedition, as we had wished at the begin-
ning instead of depending upon unknown foreigners.”
Vice-admiral Lewenoren, a Dane, who was “ no friend
of the English ” warned the captains against placing any
reliance on the British Admiralty charts or the Nautical
Almanack, the errors in which he assured them were the
cause of many shipwrecks. However LazarefE had his
four years of service in the British navy to judge by ; and
the two ships made their way straight to Portsmouth to
complete their equipment of charts and nautical instru-
ments. On August 9th the Vostok anchored in Spithead,
and three days later the two captains took coach for
London to purchase charts, chronometers and sextants.
The want of naturalists weighed heavily on Bellingshau-
sen, the Emperor’s plan was made imperfect by it, the
BELLINGSHAUSEN
“9
full success of his voyage imperilled; and in the hope
even at the eleventh hour of filling the vacancies he ob-
tained an introduction to the President of the Royal So-
ciety, the venerable Sir Joseph Banks, the old friend and
companion of Captain James Cook.
All the enquiries were unavailing and the Russians re-
turned to Portsmouth, whence after having completed
their stores and waiting, hoping against hope for natural-
ists to be found the ships set sail on September 5th. They
touched at Tenerife and Rio de Janeiro, meeting the Rus-
sian Arctic expedition outward bound at the latter port,
and then a straight run down the South Atlantic brought
South Georgia into sight on December 27th. Two Brit-
ish sealing vessels were found at work here; a run-
ning survey was made of the south coast to supplement
Cook’s work on the north, and two small off-lying islets
were given Russian names. Half way to the South
Sandwich Islands a sounding was made in 260 fathoms
with no bottom, and a temperature observation at that
depth gave 31. 8° F.
The first ice-island was met in 56° S. towering out of
the water for 180 feet and alive with penguins. The
Russian sailors gazed with amazement at a sight soon
to become the most familiar of every day appearances.
Whales were observed in great numbers, and albatrosses
escorted the ships on their way to the south. The first
discovery was made on January 3rd, 1820, when a group
of three small islands was descried a short distance to
the north of the Sandwich group. It was appropriately
named after the Russian Minister of Marine, Baron de
Traversey. One of the islands named after Savadoffski,
the first officer of the Vostok, was an active volcano rising
into a fantastic summit and emitting thick clouds of
120 SIEGE OF TEIE SOUTH POLE
vapour. A landing was made, and the ground half way up
the mountain was found to be quite hot. One side of the
island was free from snow in consequence and was en-
tirely covered with penguins which seemed to be revelling
in so genial a nesting place.
Bellingshausen employed a considerable part of his
time in making scientific experiments, he tested a new
deep-sea water-bottle with an enclosed thermometer and
satisfied himself that the water at 200 fathoms was colder
and salter than on the surface ; he sent out boats to chip
off pieces of the floating ice and melted it to see if the
resulting water could be used for making tea; and as
the nights grew colder he studied the formation of ice
in salt and fresh water.
The Russian ships made their way southward just to
the east of the Sandwich group recognising Candlemas,
Saunders and Montague Islands, which Cook had seen
from the west, and favoured by a solitary day of brilliant
sunshine the snow-swathed mountains made a splendid
spectacle. Fogs and snow-squalls speedily reasserted
their sway and the icebergs became more numerous and
the sea was so rough that on January 12th, the officers
of the Mirni were unable to come on board the Vostok
to celebrate the Russian New Year’s Day. Next day
Southern Thule was seen and just after crossing the par-
allel of 6o° S. the ships were confronted by the edge of a
solid ice-pack which compelled them to turn west and
then north, passing the islands of the South Sandwich
group again on the west side and so enabling the positions
to be fixed. It was a trying experience, the first of many
in which the ships had to beat against a gale through a
sea encumbered by ice-islands, and the relief of being
able to hold a steady course for a few hours on January
BELLINGSHAUSEN
1 2 1
1 6th, is described with a warmth of feeling that helps
one to realise the previous toil and anxiety. An easterly
course was held until the 22nd to the south of Cook’s
homeward track, and then the pack became less close
and a slight swell running from the south betokened an
open sea in that direction.
The parallel of 6o° was crossed in 8° W., and the wind
shifting made it possible to turn southward round the edge
of the pack. No other ship had ever entered this region,
and Bellingshausen hoped to discover land or at least to
make a high latitude. He crossed the Antarctic circle on
January 26th, in 30 W. and next day reached 69° 21' on
the same meridian. Close ice now barred the way ; three
days were spent in working round a small projection
of it and on January 30th there seemed at last to
be a clear lead to the south, little ice being in sight and
whales blowing all round. The ships were thickly
covered with soft snow and the temperature of the air
had fallen below 30 0 F. O11 February 1st all progress
was barred by the ice in 69° 25' S. and i° 11' W. A
northeasterly course brought them north of the circle
again on the 5th, and the eastward course was resumed
as far south as the ice permitted and about five degrees
to the south of Cook’s outward route on his vain search
for Bouvet Island. It was soon possible to turn south-
ward and Bellingshausen crossed the circle southward
for the second time on February 14th in 180 E., reaching
69° 6' S. on the 16th. The air-temperature had fallen to
23 0 F. and the sea was full of pack-ice while snow and fog
alternated with heavy gales. It was impossible to go
farther and a northeasterly course had to be shaped which
carried the vessels beyond the circle on the 19th, in 21 0 E.
a point due south of the Cape of Good Hope.
122 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
The Russians might have been excused had they ceased
from their efforts at this point but Bellingshausen sailed
east, south of latitude 65° for 20 degrees of longitude and
then succeeded in crossing the Antarctic circle for a third
time in 36° E. reaching 66° 53' S. in 41 0 E. This was
an important point, for here Cook had made his first cross-
ing of the Antarctic circle forty-seven years before, had
reached the same latitude and had been driven back by
just such an impassable barrier of ice. The variation of
the compass was found to have increased nearly n° west-
erly since Cook's time. Since leaving the South Sand-
wich Islands the Russian ships had kept south of Cook's
track and pushed the limits of human knowledge far to
the southward of any previous explorer. The appear-
ance of birds again suggested the vicinity of land, and
had Bellingshausen been able to keep along the Antarctic
circle in clear water for a day's sail to the eastward he
would probably have discovered Enderby Land. On the
26th, however the worst storm of the voyage descended
suddenly on the ships; decks and rigging were covered
thick with snow, terrific seas broke over the vessels and
the greatest anxiety was felt as to the result. The gale
lasted for three days from north and north-northeast, the
furious snow-squalls hid the drifting bergs which only
loomed up as the ships were almost upon them. The
one hope of safety was to beat to the north into clearer
seas, but every rope and spar was crusted an inch and a
half thick with ice making it almost impossible to work
the sails, and it was little less than a miracle that both
ships emerged still in company and without having suf-
fered any serious damage.
At this point it will be remembered Cook had run to
the northward of the fiftieth parallel in order to search
BELLINGSHAUSEN
123
for the islands reported by Marion and had thus left a
vast stretch of the Antarctic area untraversed. No sail
had been in those seas since and Bellingshausen again had
the honour of being the first to follow the edge of the ice-
pack in latitudes of from 63° to 6o° for nearly 45° of
longitude, one-eighth of the circumference of the Earth.
In all this stretch of unknown ocean nothing was seen
except occasional floating ice, and gradually turning to-
ward the north the Vostok and Mirni passed the sixtieth
parallel on March 16th in 87° E. close to the point where
Cook had crossed it southward on his return from the
northern detour. A few days previously Bellingshausen
had celebrated his hundredth day out from Rio de Janeiro
with immense satisfaction because the crews of both
ships were in -the best of health ; but supplies were run-
ning low and it was becoming important to seek some
harbour where they could be replenished. On March
15th an enormous iceberg had been seen the height of
which was given by two sextant measurements as 375 and
408 feet.
Bellingshausen now resolved to quit the ice and divide
his forces for the voyage to Sydney so as to explore
more thoroughly the sea south of Australia. The two
vessels were to meet again either at Royal Company
Island (which neither vessel could find for the best of
reasons), or in Sydney Harbour. As the ship’s company
of the Vostok was by far the more numerous Bellings-
hausen thought it right to take the priest on board so
that as he could no longer minister to both crews he
might at least have the benefit of the larger congre-
gation.
Then for the first time since she outpaced the Mirni in
crossing the North Sea the Vostok spread her full can-
124 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
vas and made speed to port, dropping anchor in Sydney
Harbour on March 29th, 1820, 13 1 days out from Rio.
The two ships Otkritie and Blagonamerenii were found
here again, having got no farther on their leisurely voy-
age to Bering Sea. The young colony of New South
Wales gave a most hearty welcome to the Russian offi-
cers, and Bellingshausen very handsomely acknowledges
the kindness he received from the governor General Mac-
quarie and the leading citizens of Sydney and Paramatta.
The governor drove the officers out to see the new light-
house on die South Head on April 18th, an auspicious
day, for as they approached the lighthouse they saw the
Mirni glide into the harbour with all well on board.
The two ships remained in port undergoing a very
necessary overhaul only until May 19th, for the objects of
the expedition were not exclusively polar, and the Russian
commodore and his crews spent the southern winter of
1820 in cruising through the tropical archipelagoes of
the South Pacific. The Paumotu group, not yet fully
charted after the lapse of more than eighty years, was
then scarcely known and amongst those islands the Vos-
tok and Mirni spent much orf their time. A bag of seven-
teen new islands rewarded the mighty hunters of the ex-
pedition. An interesting visit was also paid to Cook’s
only place of refreshment Tahiti, where the chief Pomare
and the English missionaries received them with graceful
hospitality.
The ships were back in Sydney Plarbour on September
19th, and there the Russian consul informed Bellings-
hausen of the discovery of New South Shetland by Wil-
liam Smith in 1819, a fact of some little importance as
bearing on the authenticity of Fanning’s account of the
visit of the Russian expedition to Deception Island to
The “Vgstok” and “Mirni” off Macquaire Island.
(From Bellingshausen's Atlas.)
BELLINGSHAUSEN
125
which reference has already been made. The Vostok and
Mirni quitted Sydney on November nth, 1820, and a fort-
night later they reached Macquarie Island where they ex-
perienced the shock of a submarine earthquake while in
50 fathoms of water. On December 7th, they crossed
the parallel of 6o° S. in 163° E. at dinner-time, and the
officers drank a toast to their friends at home in latitude
6o° N. They remained south of that parallel for the
unprecedented distance of 145 degrees of longitude and
for a period of no less than two months and three days.
The first ice was met on December 8th in 62° 18' S., a
stately berg 80 feet high and a mile in circumference,
its sides* carved by the weather so that it looked like a
cathedral wall enriched with statues ; and from that time
onwards the vessels never lost sight of the ice until they
left South Georgia behind them on their homeward voy-
age. The advance guard of icebergs was soon succeeded
by heavy pack ice in which many huge bergs were
frozen, one of them more than five miles in circum-
ference being at first mistaken for land. Along the edge
of this pack they cruised south of New Zealand, where
had they been a month or so later and had their course
been directed southwest instead of southeast they might
have anticipated the great discoveries of Ross. It is
interesting to note that at this point Bellingshausen takes
some pains to explain why he did not enter the pack
and push southward, his reason being that his ships were
too weak ta stand any severe ice-pressure. The region
had been avoided by Cook, hence the anxiety of his suc-
cessor to attain a high latitude in it.
As the ships proceeded the ice thickened and at one
time more than a hundred majestic bergs were in sight.
It was necessary to make a detour to the northward to
126 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
get round the edge of the pack, which was followed for
a distance of 380 miles, and just when the end of it
seemed to be reached and open sea appeared to south
and east, allowing a southerly course to be set, a frightful
storm came on. To add to the misery of the gale and
the darkness the wild rolling of the ships shook masses
of frozen snow from the rigging which fell on the decks
making it doubly dangerous to attempt to move about.
The pet birds brought from the tropics were dying daily,
but the denizens of the region of ice and storm came
round the ships in increasing number, always renewing
the hope of land not far beyond the barrier ice. On
December 24th the vessels for the fourth time succeeded
in getting within the Antarctic circle in 164° 34' W. ; but
the high latitude could only be maintained for two days
a dense pack set with gigantic bergs put a stop to all ad-
vance, one of the ice-islands being found to measure over
eleven miles in length. A wide northward curve had to
be made keeping outside the edge of the pack through
the same part of the ocean where Cook nearly a fortnight
later in the same month of 1773 had sailed for thirteen
degrees of longitude south of the circle. Bellingshausen
just managed to get round the pack without going north
of 6o°S., and on the meridian of I35°W., where Cook had
been driven north with his exhausted crew, he succeeded
in getting south again. On Christmas day (Russian
calendar) 244 icebergs were sighted, and the com-
mander congratulated himself that both crews were en-
joying the best of health, far better than in the tropics.
On January nth the circle was crossed for the fifth time
to 67 50 in 1200 W. Here the pack again presented too
formidable a front to face, and the two war ships had
once more to make an honourable retreat, but not for
BELLINGSHAUSEN
127
long. Doubling the northern projection of the ice, Bel-
lingshausen deliberately passed the meridian where Cook
had made the farthest south of his voyage, feeling it was
his duty to explore the unknown rather than to follow
where another had led. Keeping on a southeasterly
course he crossed the circle southward for the sixth time
in 103 0 W. and sailing straight on through a crowd of
huge ice-islands was brought up by a solid wall of ice.
This was the most southerly point reached on the voyage,
69° 52' S. in 920 10' W. ; it was attained on January 1st,
1821.
The risk of being surrounded and imprisoned in
the drifting ice was becoming serious and the ships were
sailing northward along the edge of the pack when a
dark speck appeared on the white background of ice to
the east. Every telescope was turned upon it and various
opinions were being expressed when the sun suddenly
shone out and revealed it as undoubted land, the steep
cliffs standing out black, bare and unmistakable. Since
leaving the Macquarie Islands the only solid objects to
meet the eye had been ice in its multifarious forms of
berg and floe and pack, but now an island loftier than
any berg had come into view. It lay in latitude 69° S.,
longitude 90° W., the most southerly land yet discovered,
and when on January 22nd the ships came as near the
land as the ice permitted, its length was found to be about
nine miles, its breadth four miles and its height was esti-
mated at 4000 feet. The island rose abruptly from the
ice-covered sea and, except for the cliffs and the higher
slopes, was entirely swathed in snow. It stood as a silent
and inaccessible outpost of the known world, the only land
ever yet discovered within the southern circle. Bellings-
hausen named it Peter I. Island in memory of the great
128 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Tsar who had rescued Russia from its frigid isolation and
thrown the world open to his country. The sea was
much discoloured, and the other indications of land
familiar to Antarctic voyagers were present in abundance
so that Bellingshausen was convinced that he was on the
threshold of some more important discovery ; “ the land
must come ” he wrote.
Keeping as far south as possible, close on the edge of
a heavy pack, Bellingshausen held to the east and
on January 28th, another high land came into view; this
time a coast of considerable extent with a well marked
cape, the position of which was fixed as 68° 43' S., and
73° 10' W. The weather was fortunately fine, in fact
it was the most beautiful day of the whole Antarctic
voyage, and the air was so clear that although the ships
could not approach within 40 miles of the land, it could
be seen distinctly and some parts appeared free from
snow. The land seemed to extend a long distance
toward the southwest, and it was named Alexander I.
Land, after the reigning Tsar.
It was impossible to follow up the discovery. The in-
sistent pressure of the ice forced the ships back to the
northwest, and when an easterly course could be resumed
they crossed the circle northward in 76° W. on January
31st, after having sailed within the Antarctic circle for a
fortnight over a continuous stretch of 28 degrees of
longitude, an unprecedented achievement. From this
point the Russian ships made straight for the South Shet-
land islands in order to see whether there was any con-
nection between them and the “ conjectured Antarctic
Continent. Land was seen on February 4th, and identi-
fied as the South Shetlands. Bellingshausen sailed along
the south of the group and gave many Russian or at
Alexander I. Land.
(From Bellingshausen's Atlas.)
BELLINGSHAUSEN
129
least anti-French names such as Yaroslav, Waterloo,
Borodino, Smolensk and Leipzig to several of the islands,
but these have not been retained as the group had al-
ready been charted by Bransfield and Weddell. At Yar-
oslav Island he says that he met a fleet of eight British
and American sealers lying at anchor on February 5th,
and the romantic meeting with the Americans so dra-
matically described by Fanning is dismissed in the words
“ The American captain, Palmer, whom we invited to see
us, told of the really prodigiously rich booty which was
made here of sealskins/’ On which the Russian captain
predicts the early extermination of the seals.
After crossing the sixtieth parallel on February nth,
and passing through the South Orkneys the two ships
completed their circumnavigation off South Georgia.
After an anxious night near the Shag Rocks in a fog, they
bore up for Rio, stayed there from March 9th to May
4th, and reentered the harbour of Cronstadt on July 5th,
1821 after a magnificent voyage of two years’ duration
with the loss of only three men, a death-rate very much
smaller than that prevailing in Russia. Of the 75 1
days they had been afloat 527 days had been passed under
sail.
It is an exceedingly unfortunate circumstance that
so little has ever been known outside Russia of Bel-
lingshausen’s great exploit. The voyage was a mas-
terly continuation of that of Cook, supplementing it in
every particular, competing with it in none. The oc-
casional measurements of temperature and salinity in the
water, and the acute observations on the formation of
sea-ice would have been very useful to later explorers.
But unfortunately until 1902 no Antarctic expedition
had been furnished with details of the Russian work
9
i3o SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
though the track of Bellingshausen's ships is laid down
on the South Polar charts.
This track alone is very instructive, for though it
shows that Cook's highest latitude was not equalled by
a degree and a quarter, it shows also that the Vostok and
Mirni sailed over 242 degrees of longitude south of 6o° S.,
of which 41 degrees of longitude were within the Antarc-
tic circle ; while the Resolution and Adventure made only
125 degrees south of 6o° S., and 24 degrees south of the
circle. Not only so, but Bellingshausen's care in cross-
ing all the great gaps left by his predecessor demon-
strated beyond any doubt the existence of a continuous
open sea south of the parallel of 6o°.
On his return Bellingshausen wrote a full account of
the voyage which was not published for several years
and then only in Russian. He continued to serve in
the navy and rose to the rank of Admiral in 1831. Eight
years later he received the onerous appointment of Port
Captain and Governor of Cronstadt, the impregnable
fortress that guards the entrance to the Neva. In that
town he died in 1852, and there his memory is perpetuated
by a bronze bust set on a granite pedestal in one of the
tree-lined avenues.
CHAPTER VII
Weddell's farthest
“Give these, I exhort you, their guerdon and glory
For daring so much, before they well did it,
The first of the new in our race’s story
Beats the last of the old; ’tis no idle quiddit”
— Robert Browning.
'REFERENCE has already been made to Enderby’s
A^sBips and the rediscovery of Bouvet Island in 1808,
as well as to the discovery of the South Shetlands in 1819
by a British ship, though she was trading at that time
between foreign ports. We have now to follow up the
consequences of this discovery in the old country, and to
introduce an interesting personality who contributed
much to the story of the Antarctic.
James Weddell, the son of a Lanarkshire upholsterer,
settled in London, being left an orphan at an early age,
was bound apprentice on board a coasting vessel, prob-
ably a Newcastle collier. In 1808, after sailing in a
merchant ship trading with the West Indies for three
years, he resented some action of his captain and knocked
him down. The captain accordingly, judging him unfit
for the merchant service, handed him over to a man-of-
war, as a subject for discipline. At that time when men
were scarce any recruit was welcome and Weddell com-
mencing under such bad auspices nevertheless earned for
himself a character which makes one suspect that his old
captain fully deserved the treatment he received. Wed-
dell was soon rated as midshipman and then as Master,
131
1 32 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
with which rank he was paid off in 1816 when the
strength of the navy was reduced at the close of the
war.
When the news of the discovery of the South Shet-
lands became known in 1819 Weddell accepted the com-
mand of the brig Jane of Leith, a sealer of 160 tons, and
started for a sealing cruise in the southern seas. On this
first voyage he commenced the exploration and survey
of the South Shetlands, and he was the first mariner from
Great Britain to visit them. He seems to have also dis-
covered the South Orkneys on the same voyage, not
knowing of the previous discovery by Powell, and he
made a most thorough search for the Aurora Islands mid-
way between the Falklands and South Georgia. He found
no land whatever in that region and suggested that what
gave rise to the report and misled the officers of the Atre-
vida must have been icebergs drifted around and adher-
ent to the Shag Rocks, which when thus encased pre-
sented the appearance of snow-covered islands with rocky
prominences.
A second cruise followed in which Weddell had, as well
as the Jane under his own command, a cutter of 65 tons
named the Beaufoy of London, under Matthew Brisbane,
the two vessels sailing together and keeping within sight
with few and short exceptions during the whole long
and difficult voyage. The vessels were provisioned for
two years and carried twenty-two men all told on the
Jane and thirteen on the Beaufoy. Particular care was
given to the nautical instruments, but although Weddell
had scientific leanings he does not appear to have had
any scientific equipment, nor did his vessel follow the
usual custom of the Arctic whalers in carrying a sur-
geon.
James Weddell.
(From a painting in the Library of the Royal Geographical Society.)
7'o face p. 132.
WEDDELL’S FARTLIEST
133
The two little craft left the Downs on September 17th,
1822, touched at Madeira on October 4th, at Bonavista
in the Cape Verde group on the 14th, to take in a stock
of salt, and crossed the equator on November 7th. A
week later Weddell spoke and boarded a Portuguese
slaver carrying 250 slaves and bitterly regretted that he
had no legal right to make a prize of her and liberate
her wretched cargo. His ship appears to have been
armed, for he says he had force enough to take the slaver,
and his officers urged him strongly to do so, but he felt
he could not lay himself open to a charge of piracy, so
the slavers escaped and the slaves remained captive.
Several stoppages were made on the Patagonian coast for
the purpose of getting water, shooting guanacos for meat,
repairing damage to the Jane, and making surveys of
some harbours, and on the 12th of January, 1823, the
South Orkneys were sighted, and some time was spent in
surveying them. The centre of Saddle Island was fixed as
in 6o° 38' S. and 440 53' W. Here Weddell captured
some sea-leopards, one of the skins of which presented
by him to the Edinburgh Museum was examined and
described by Professor Jamieson and was the first speci-
men to be studied scientifically in Europe. Though gro-
tesquely stuffed, and still more grotesquely figured in
Weddell’s book it remains as the type specimen in the
Museum at Edinburgh to this day.
The South Orkneys are described as even more rugged
and dreary than the South Shetlands. A few patches of
coarse grass formed the only vegetation visible, and the
fogs which usually hung over the land did not make it
more attractive. On January 22nd the vessels sailed
for the south, keeping close together, the cutter on the
windward quarter of the brig, to avoid separation in
i34 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
the fog. The constant heaving-to when the weather be-
came too thick and the manoeuvring to avoid floating ice
made the progress “ very teasing and unprofitable.” By
the 27th the ships had reached 64° 58' S. in 390 40' W.
looking for new islands which might harbour seals; but
finding none they stood northward in the same longitude
and then, wishing to avoid known land and the tracks
of former expeditions, turned back to the southeast. A
reward of £10 was offered to the man who first saw land
and many were the disappointments which resulted, for
fog-banks, icebergs and once even a dead and much in-
flated whale gave rise to claims which a second glance
disallowed.
Weddell refers to the extremely narrow escape which
Cook had of discovering both the South Orkneys and the
South Shetlands ; but nothing in the history of marine ex-
ploration is more remarkable than the way in which ships
looking for new land have passed just out of sight of
great masses and archipelagoes, while ordinary seafarers
hoping for nothing but a clear sea-way have lighted upon
islands and even continents which to them were mere
obstacles. On February 4th, being then within 100 miles
of Sandwich Land, Weddell proposed to Brisbane to
stand as far south as they could go in the hope of finding
some entirely unknown land, and that officer readily as-
senting the two little vessels set off on the most interest-
ing exploit of the voyage. Everything possible on such
small craft was done for the comfort of the men, but the
decks were always wet and the sailors suffered badly from
“ colds, agues and rheumatism.” As to diet Weddell
says:
I had allowed them three wine-glasses of rum a day
per man, since we were in those seas ; and their allow-
i. (From Weddell’s Voyage towards the South Pole.)
2. (From the British Museum Reports on the Southern Cross Collections.)
Weddell’s Seal (. Leptonychotes Weddelli).
[To face /. 134.
WEDDELL’S FARTHEST
T35
ance of beef and pork was one pound and a quarter a
man per day; five pounds of bread, two pints of flour,
three of peas and two of barley a man per week. These
allowances in a cold climate were rather scanty, but the
uncertainty of the length of our voyage required the
strictest economy.”
Observations were made daily at noon whenever the
sun appeared, and as Weddell had provided four of
the best chronometers available for his own ship and was
an expert in navigation his longitudes as well as his lati-
tudes may be trusted. He also made a point of observ-
ing and recording the temperature of the air and water
and the variation of the compass each day.
On February 6th and 7th about latitude 64° S. many
ice islands were encountered, one of them estimated at
two miles in length and 250 feet high. The wind blew
from a westerly quarter and the weather was alternately
foggy and clear, the temperature of the air at 8 p. m. was
340 and that of the water 36°. Early on the morning
of the 10th the mate of the Jane reported land in sight,
and Weddell himself on seeing a dark sugar-loaf shaped
object believed it to be a rock and expected to find the
terra-fir ma beyond it ; but on making up to it and passing
within 300 yards it was found to be merely the pinnacle of
an iceberg so thickly incorporated with black earth as to
present the appearance of a rock, an illusion strengthened
by an island of clear ice from which it was “ detached
above water though connected below.” The wind shifted
to the south and blew a gale, a strong northwesterly cur-
rent was running and the sailors began to grumble in
their disappointment, for their wages were a proportion
of the value of the catch and a new land meant a big haul
of seals and increased pay. The position was just on the
136 siege of the south pole
Antarctic circle and there was some temptation to re-
turn; but Weddell arguing- that the earth on the berg
must have come from some land to the south held on his
course against both wind and current. Ice-islands were
numerous; for days over fifty were always in sight, and
the effort to avoid them made so many changes of course
necessary that it was very difficult to keep account of the
position by dead reckoning.
By the 14th of February, 1823, the high latitude of
68° was attained, and on the 16th the ships crossed the
seventieth parallel going south. A great number of birds
“ of the blue petrel kind ” kept in sight and also “ many
hump- and finned-back whales.” Here a disaster oc-
curred in the breaking of the only two thermometers on
board so no more observations of temperature could be
taken; but Weddell states that the weather was cer-
tainly not colder than that of midsummer (December) in
latitude 61 0 S. The rapid changes in variation puzzled
the leader greatly, he compared all the compasses on board
but could find no material difference between them though
they were rather sluggish in action. On the 18th in
73° S. the weather was beautiful, not a particle of ice
of any description was to be seen, many whales were
about the ships and the sea was “ literally covered with
birds of the blue petrel kind.” The carpenter was re-
pairing a boat, the sailmaker was mending the sails ; it
was altogether a picture of summer at sea.
During the night of the 19th it fell calm, but on the
morning of the 20th it blew fresh from south by west:
The atmosphere now became very clear, and nothing
like land was to be seen. Three ice-islands were in sight
from the deck, and one other from the mast-head. On
one we perceived a great number of penguins roosted.
WEDDELL’S FARTHEST
137
Our latitude at this time, 20th February, 1822 * was
740 15', and longitude 340 16' 45"; the wind blowing
fresh at south, prevented what I most desired, our making
farther progress in that direction. I would willingly
have explored the S. W. quarter, but taking into con-
sideration the lateness of the season, and that we had to
pass homewards through 1000 miles of sea strewed with
ice islands, with long nights and probably attended with
fogs, I could not determine otherwise than to take ad-
vantage of this favourable wind for returning.
“ I much regretted that circumstances had not allowed
me to proceed to the southward, when in the latitude of
65°, on the 27th of January, as I should then have had
sufficient time to examine this sea to my satisfaction.
“ Situated however as I actually wras, my attention was
naturally roused to observe any phenomena which might
be considered interesting to science. I was well aware
that the making of scientific observations in this unfre-
quented part of the globe was a very desirable object, and
consequently the more lamented my not being well sup-
plied with the instruments with which ships fitted out
for discovery are generally provided.”
In these, simple words, which may profitably be
compared with Morrell’s rhapsodical utterances when
he claimed to be in a similar position, Weddell shows
himself at his best. The similarity in sentiment and
diction with Cook is interesting; and enforces the
similarity in the birth, training, and naval experience of
the two men. It must be remembered that Weddell was
*This misprint for the correct date 1823 is significant in show-
ing that Morrell followed the text of Weddell’s book and did
not speak from actual knowledge of his cruise. The map in the
volume gives the date as 1823.
T38 siege of the south pole
searching for seals not for the south pole and that his con-
sort was a little vessel more like a pilot-boat than a sea-
going craft. Neither vessel was protected in any way for
ice-navigation and to be compelled to winter south of the
circle would probably have been fatal to all on board.
The men were but ill-clothed for bad weather and the
supply of fuel and food was not sufficient to justify any
serious risks being run. In similar circumstances Cap-
tain Cook would have acted in the same way.
Weddell looked out for the aurora australis, the sun
being then below the horizon for six hours, but the
twilight all night was too strong to allow it to be seen.
In order to cheer up his crew, whose repeated disap-
pointments in finding the seals that were to pay their
wages, was beginning to have a bad effect, Weddell made
a little ceremony, hoisting colours and firing a salute in
honour of their having accompanied him to the farthest
south point yet attained, 214 nautical miles nearer to the
pole than Cook had reached. The men gave three cheers,
extra grog was served out and the sea was named after
King George IV. ; but the name has been changed and it
is now more appropriately known as Weddell Sea in
commemoration of its first navigator.
On returning northward various observations were
made, a sounding with 240 fathoms, all the line on board,
found no bottom. A bottle containing a paper stating
the condition of the sea in 740 S. was thrown overboard
to test the direction of the current, but it was never
picked up.
As they proceeded northwards bad weather returned,
with much snow and fog, and after crossing the position
where a non-existent “ South Iceland ” was marked on
the chart, the Beaufoy was separated from her consort.
The “Jane” and “ Beattfoy ” at Weddell’s Farthest.
(From Weddell’s Voyage iotxpards the South Pole.)
WEDDELL’S FARTHEST
T39
Next day, March 7th, it blew a gale with a heavy sea
that sent the brig racing at 10 miles an hour through the
ice-laden water and enabled them to traverse the pack
very quickly, though with great discomfort and constant
danger. On the 12th the gallant little Beaufoy was found
all well, and on the same afternoon both vessels cast
anchor in Adventure Bay, South Georgia, a happy event
after five months afloat, even though “ it was not a
country the most indulgent.” It yielded, however, some
green herbs which, though bitter, were useful in warding
off scurvy, while young albatrosses could be had in
abundance and formed excellent fresh meat, “not suffi-
ciently firm to be compared with that of any domestic
fowl.”
On South Georgia Weddell was surprised to find that
when he climbed to the top of one of the mountains to
take an observation for latitude, the mercury in his arti-
ficial horizon kept in a state of such tremulous motion
that he could not use it. It acted, in fact, as a seismo-
scope, showing that some volcanic activity still lurked in
the island.
In the middle of April the two little vessels were off
again, bound for the Falklands, and very heavy weather
was encountered on the way. Weddell expresses his
great satisfaction that some years before he had definitely
proved the non-existence of the Aurora Islands, the risk
of shipwreck on which would have been a very great
anxiety. As it was the gale would have dismasted the
brig had extra stays not been rigged, and the cutter lost
her bowsprit by pitching into a heavy sea. The Falk-
lands were not reached until May nth, and here the
winter was passed.
Leaving the Falklands early in October, 1823, the Jane
1 4o SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
and Beaufoy sailed for the South Shetlands, and en-
countered very heavy pack ice in 62° S. Sometimes
they skirted the edge of the pack looking for an opening,
sometimes they tacked about in a pool of open water
entirely surrounded by the pack and drifting rapidly to
the eastward, and when at last, with infinite labour, the
islands were sighted on October 28th, the ships were
struck by a hurricane from the southwest, accompanied
by bitter cold. Everything movable, including a whale-
boat, was swept from the deck of the Jane and speedily,
the deck, bulwarks, and lower rigging became a solid
mass of ice; the rudder was frozen fast and could not
be used, and the masses of frozen water on the fore-
castle made the brig rise sluggishly to the sea. In spite
of the danger thus occasioned, Weddell attributes his
escape to the ice binding the ship together and prevent-
ing, as he put it, “ the fastenings from being distressed.”
Many of the crew were hurt by being thrown down by
the wild rolling of the ship, and nearly all were frost-
bitten, for the clothing of the improvident Jacks was worn
out, and many had not even a second pair of stockings or
a shirt to change. The captain parted with everything he
had to make good deficiencies. His blankets were cut
up to make stockings, and the pump leather was used
to patch the shoes. But no complaints were made, the
men well knowing that if they went back to temperate
seas without a cargo the form of “ paying off ” would
take place without any money changing hands. The little
cutter had stood the storm better than the brig, and both
continued to struggle to reach the South Shetlands until
November 17th, when, after having been in the utmost
peril in the pack, they worked out in a sorely battered con-
dition and made for Cape Horn. The vessels were far
WEDDELL’S FARTHEST 141
too lightly built for ice work, their bottom planking being
only two and a half inches thick. Weddell remarked
that he had been in the Greenland seas and was well ac-
quainted with the dangers of ice-navigation in the north,
but that sailing among the ice in the south was ac-
companied by much greater risks because of the heavy
westerly swell which keeps the ice in motion and never
entirely subsides. The remainder of the summer was
spent in sealing amongst the islands of Tierra del Fuego
and not until May 1824 did the gallant little vessels
return in safety to England.
There is nothing in Weddell’s narrative, nor in what
is known of the man, to lead us to doubt one word that
he says. Recently an attempt has been made to cast
discredit on his voyage to 740 15' S., because on returning
home the chief officer of the Jane and two seamen made
oath before the Commissioners of Customs as to the
truth of the ship’s log. This it has been argued sug-
gested that the commander feared to be disbelieved and
might have had some ground for his fears. It is much
more likely that Weddell, knowing the tall talk indulged
in by the ordinary run of sealers and the groundless tales
they told, was resolved that his voyage at least should be
placed authoritatively on a different platform.
It is impossible to admire this man too much for the
way in which he spared neither pains nor expense to keep
an accurate account of his route and to fix every position
he visited. He shunned no danger in his slender little
ships, and not only served the interests of his co-owners as
a merchant, but also advanced the knowledge of the least-
known part of the globe as only one who was at heart a
man of science could. Weddell was fortunate in escap-
ing serious accident, for it appears that during the three
I42 siege of the south pole
years, 1820-22, at least seven sealing vessels were
wrecked on the South Shetlands, and the crew of one of
them was compelled to winter there in great destitution
and misery.
When the land was so difficult of access except in the
middle of the short summer, and the weather even during
those few weeks so capricious and foggy, it is not sur-
prising that very vague ideas prevailed as to the geog-
raphy of the region to the south of the South Shetland
Islands. That a large mass of land existed there was
clearly understood. Fanning spoke of the “ continent
of Palmer’s Land,” which he believed did not extend
farther than ioo° W. longitude. Morrell spoke of the east
coast of the land which Captain Johnson had named
“ New South Greenland/’ and Fanning states explicitly
that this was Palmer Land, the first knowledge of which
he had himself communicated to Johnson. Weddell in
his track-chart sketches a vague “ Trinity Land,” but in
a theoretical sketch-map of the circumpolar region he
lays down a large mass of land south of the South Shet-
land Islands and gives to it the name of “ South Shet-
land.”
All that befell Weddell after his return we do not
know, apparently he made other voyages to the south as
a sealer. He was certainly absent from England in
1831 to 1833, and he died in London in the forty-seventh
year of his age on 9th October, 1834. When Cap-
tain Biscoe reached Plobart Town in May, 1831, and
again when he left it in October of the same year, he
mentions a Captain Weddell as being there in .command
of the cutter Eliza, and there seems no reason to doubt
that this was the hero of the voyage to 74 0 S.
Although Bouvet Island can no longer claim to be a
WEDDELL’S FARTHEST 143
problem in Antarctic exploration, it is too old a friend to
lose sight of, and the next incident to be chronicled is
the visit of two more of Enderby’s ships in 1825. This
visit is described in the logs of the ships which were
shown by Mr. Charles Enderby to Sir James Clark
Ross twenty years later, and the similarity with Mor-
rell’s account may be taken either as strong confirmation
of his alleged visit in 1823, or as proof of his having ob-
tained and adapted an early account of the landing in
1825. The latter, we fear, is the more probable view.
On December 10th, 1825, Captain Norris of the
Sprightly, v/ith the Lively in company, came upon an
island in 540 15' S. and 50 E., which he — apparently ig-
norant of the search so often made for Bouvet’s Cape
Circumcision — at once named Liverpool Island. An at-
tempt to land was frustrated by a snowstorm. On the
13th, another island was sighted, and named Thompson
Island, its position being given as 530 56' S., 5°3o'E.,
and there were several rocks which were named The
Chimnies. A landing was made on the 16th and the
Union Jack hoisted on shore, but it is not stated on which
of the two islands. Again on the 18th, a boat was sent out
from each vessel to go round the island different ways,
starting from the east end and meeting at the west end.
Stormy weather came on and the boats, which had mean-
while landed, were unable to get back to their ships
until the 24th. They returned when the weather mod-
erated with the skins of forty-eight seals. The log-
states :
“ We found by their report that seals are very scarce ;
and the isle is not likely to produce many, the S. W.
point being the only place where they can make a land-
ing, as the boats wTent entirely round the isle, and noth-
i44 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
ing but perpendicular rocks could be seen ; it bears evi-
dent marks of having been a volcano, as it is nothing less
than a complete cinder, with immense veins of lava,
which have the appearance of black glass, though some
are streaked with white.”
When Liverpool Island was first sighted the centre was
seen to be covered with snow, but from the fact of its
complete circumnavigation and no mention having been
made of ice, it would seem that no glaciers reached the
sea.
The work of the sealers may be interrupted for a mo-
ment to refer to a scientific expedition sent out by the
British government for the purpose of carrying out ob-
servations on magnetism and the force of gravity in the
South Atlantic. Sir Edward Sabine, who did more than
any Englishman of his generation to advance the science
of physical geography, had taken up the task of measur-
ing the force of gravity by swinging pendulums at dif-
ferent parts of the Earth’s surface, the only method
known by which the true form of the surface of the globe
can be ascertained. In pursuance of these researches
the Admiralty sent out an extremely talented and thor-
oughly scientific officer, Captain Henry Foster, in com-
mand of H. M. S. Chanticleer, to undertake experiments
in the islands of the South Atlantic. His instructions
were to proceed to the most southerly known accessible
land, the South Shetlands, and there make a complete
series of pendulum and magnetic observations. Antarctic
discovery was no part of the programme and the ship was
not fitted for navigation in the ice. The Chanticleer went
beyond the South Shetlands to a position in 63° 43' S.,
6i°45'W., where Foster found land, went ashore and
named Cape Possession. This appears to have been on
WEDDELL’S FARTHEST 145
Hoseason Island, its earlier name possibly perpetuating
the memory of some American sealer, who otherwise
would be forgotten. The ship took up temporary head-
quarters in the vast crater of Deception Island, near the
Yankee Harbour of the Stonington fleet, renamed Port
Foster. Captain Foster's name deserves to be com-
memorated in the Southern Seas, for his early death be-
fore the voyage was concluded, was a loss not only to
the Royal Navy, but to science. It would, however, have
been more appropriate to attach his name to Cape Pos-
session than to overshadow so quaint and interesting a
landmark in the history of the Antarctic as the Yankee
Harbour of the old New England skippers. From Jan-
uary 9th to March 4th, the Chanticleer lay in this safe
and commodious harbour, while the observations were
diligently carried on ashore, and then it was high time to
make for the north to escape the on-coming winter.
The medical officers of the ship studied the plant and
animal life of this strange shell of an island, and one
of them, the Dr. Webster who preserved for us the word
portrait of Palmer with his basket of albatross eggs, also
made some experiments on the floating of ice in sea-
water with reference to the phenomena of icebergs. A
registering thermometer was left on the island so that the
subsequent finder could tell the extremes of temperature
which had been experienced.
10
CHAPTER VIII
ENDERBY BROTHERS AND THE ANTARCTIC
“We bring no store of ingots,
Of spice or precious stones,
But that we have we gathered
With sweat and aching bones:
In flame beneath the tropics
In frost upon the floe.
And jeopardy of every wind
That does between them go.”
— Rudyard Kipling.
IV/TESSRS. ENDERBY, whose ships had visited the
-^-■“Southern seas since 1785 and had already added
something to geographical knowledge, began to take a
deeper interest in Antarctic exploration from the time of
the foundation of the Royal Geographical Society. Mr.
Charles Enderby became an original Fellow of that So-
ciety in 1830 and remained actively interested in its work
for forty-seven years. There is, perhaps, no other instance
of a private mercantile firm undertaking so extensive a
series of voyages of discovery without much encourage-
ment in the way of pecuniary returns. It was in the palmy
days of the deep-sea whalers, when hundreds of ships
sailed for a cruise of a couple of years “ round the world
and back again ” for a cargo of whale oil in tropical or
temperate waters, as the chance of success suggested, and
many shipmasters must have lighted on discoveries now
lost to the world and perhaps never treated as more than
sailors’ yarns. Messrs. Enderby differed from other
146
ENDERBY BROTHERS
147
merchants by the careful choice of their skippers, who
were men of some education, and often of naval train-
ing. These were instructed to pursue discovery with a
view to the advancement of knowledge as well as to
pecuniary profit, hence the names of the owners as well
as that of their skippers must always be honourably asso-
ciated with the opening up of the dark and icebound
margin of the South Polar region.
In 1830, Mr. John Biscoe, a retired Master in the
Royal Navy, was sent out by the Enderbys on a sealing
voyage in the brig Tula, with the cutter Lively, com-
manded at first by Mr. Smith and later by Mr. Avery, in
company. On voyages of such length and danger
it was felt that the dispatch of a single ship
was inexpedient, and experience had shown, as
in the case of Weddell’s expedition, that a cut-
ter was a handy and serviceable craft for working
on the edge of the ice. In the landsman of to-day so
small a vessel venturing into the remotest and the
stormiest seas of the world, excites feelings of amaze-
ment, and we question if there are many in the navy, or
even in the mercantile marine, who would care to sign
on for a south polar voyage of two years’ duration, in
a fifty-tonner.
Attention had been called to the probability of land
existing within the Antarctic ice by Captain Horsburgh,
Hydrographer to the East India Company, who com-
municated a paper to the Royal Society in 1830, on the
remarkable distance towards the tropics at which Antarc-
tic ice was met with in 1828, some bergs having been
sighted as far north as 35 0 50' S. He argued that land
must exist somewhere within the Antarctic region be-
tween the meridian of Greenwich and 20° E., capable of
14B siege of the south pole
giving rise to huge icebergs, and he believed that the ex-
ceptional quantity of ice sighted in that year could be
best accounted for by the occurrence of great earth-
quakes, which broke it off from the land. Thus Biscoe
set out with some ground for looking for land and not
merely fields of sea-ice in the far south.
Fortunately, Biscoe’s log has been preserved, having
been presented to the Royal Geographical Society by
Mr. Charles Enderby, and the essential parts of it were
published both in the English and French geographical
journals of the period.
Biscoe’s command left Gravesend on July 14th, 1830,
and sailed from Berkeley Sound in the Falklands
on November 27th, to carry out his instructions
by visiting the southeast part of Sandwich Land. On
the way he thought it advisable to cruise to the north-
ward of the position assigned to the Aurora Islands by
the Atrevida, so as to dispel any lingering suspicion of
the possible existence of that troublesome group, Wed-
dell's courses having lain to the southward. The search
proved fruitless and the Auroras will trouble us no more.
On the voyage south the cutter was lost sight of in a
fog on December nth, and the Tula lay-to until noon in
the hope that she would reappear. What made it worse
was that the carpenter had gone aboard the smaller ves-
sel to repair a boat two days before, and had not been
able to return. It was a wretched day for Biscoe, for his
barometer ‘‘burst of itself," and left him without a
weather-glass; the brig then ran over something, prob-
ably only floating ice, but it scraped unpleasantly along
her keel, and to crown this day of misfortunes she was
in the position assigned on the chart to Traversey Island
and might strike upon it at any moment in the dark.
ENDERBY BROTHERS
149
Three days later the Lively reappeared, and after a long
fight with fog and gales, the two vessels came in sight
of Sandwich Land on the 21st. Three islands were
sighted, all of them small, rocky masses, descending
steeply to the water’s edge, with no beach for a seal to
land on, and covered with ice and snow, “so much so
that it was hardly possible to distinguish the rocks, the
snow and the clouds above these, one from the other.”
It was hopeless to look for a cargo on such rocks, and
that will-o’-the-wisp of the Antarctic seafarer, an “ ap-
pearance of land ” being observed to the southeast,
Biscoe set sail in its pursuit. Field-ice soon appeared,
and after much manoeuvring the ships passed safely
through the pack to the southward, where, instead of the
open sea, they found merely a great bay of about eight
miles diameter, from which they had much ado to escape
northward again. Until the end of the month they con-
tinued fighting with wind and ice in the endeavour to reach
the main body of Sandwich Land by working back to
the westward. It was a hard time for both captains and
crews :
“ Independent of the small seas of field-ice the whole
space was completely covered with drift pieces, some
swimming very deep in the water, which a vessel striking
upon would most likely knock a hole in her bottom, so
that from the 26th to the 29th in the forenoon, we were
utterly prevented from steering on any one course for
more than a few minutes at a time . . . and never at
any time had we less than fifty or a hundred ice-islands
round us.”
On December 29th, two of the islands of Sandwich
Land were sighted and the boats sent to search a low-
lying reef for seals, but they returned empty, and Biscoe
ISO SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
resolved to keep on his voyage towards the east with-
out more delay. The weather turned dazzlingly clear;
but no land revealed itself, and the field-ice spread
smooth and solid before the ships. They struggled
through the pack and drift-ice along its edge, making
only twelve miles on their course in a whole day, and
never at rest for an hour from the ceaseless tacking and
shifting of course to clear the dangerous ice-masses.
The absence of life was remarkable, neither seals nor
penguins were to be seen, and only a few petrels re-
deemed the scene from utter desolation. It was the
seventeenth of January, 1831, before the parallel of
6o° S. was crossed in 70 0 W., almost at the same point
where Bellingshausen crossed it eleven years before. The
edge of the pack was now turned and a clear sea lay to
the south, with only a few icebergs in sight, and a tem-
perature of 350 in the air. On the 22nd, the Antarctic
circle was crossed in i° E. So far the edge of the pack
had been similar in outline, though about a hundred miles
farther to the north and east than Bellingshausen had
found it ; but from this point to 50° E., Biscoe was able
to sail for five weeks within or on the circle, often far
to the south of the track which the ice had permitted
the Russian ships to follow. The farthest south reached
was 69° S. in io° 43' E., on January 28th. All this time
the ship was pressing as closely on the ice-floes as she
could with safety; the wind held mostly from easterly
points, giving Biscoe “ a beating passage of it,” and in-
commoding him very much; and many anxious hours
were spent by all on board. The incidents are very
calmly treated by the captain, but even he must occasion-
ally have felt a thrill. For instance, one day:
“ At 6 p. m., while standing to the southward, we sud-
ENDERBY BROTHERS 151
denly, on the weather clearing up, found ourselves com-
pletely beset with large pieces of drift-ice. The helm
was immediately put down, and by the careful manage-
ment of the sails we were enabled to pass through two
large pieces, of about the size of our hull, which showed
themselves under the bows just as the head-yards were
hauled, the vacancy between just sufficient to admit the
vessel through ; the cutter being a short distance astern,
avoided the danger/’
The cutter was, however, a constant anxiety, chiefly
on account of her habit of getting lost, perhaps from the
difficulty of keeping up with the larger vessel in rough
weather. On the very day after the escape :
“ At midnight the weather became so thick that, al-
though I could speak the cutter, I could not see her, and
as we were now completely surrounded by broken ice
and obliged to use the sweeps, I made a line fast to her
to prevent our separation; the weather quite calm and
sea smooth.”
The wind continued so light for several days that
progress became very slow, but the sea was smooth, and
Biscoe was a man with open eyes and a receptive mind
for the phenomena of nature. He gave much attention
to the formation of sea-ice, making some acute observa-
tions, which led him not unnaturally to erroneous con-
clusions, for though the training of a seaman may turn
out an excellent observer, it requires the no less arduous
training of a scientific education to enable correct de-
ductions to be made from the facts.
At the end of January the surface of the smooth sea
was beginning to freeze and cementing together the
broken fragments of drift-ice. Biscoe was struck with
the rapidity with which ice an inch thick was formed in
152 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
this way at the end of summer, and he argued that when
the summer temperature of the air fell at nights far be-
low the freezing point the winter temperature must be
very severe indeed, and consequently the surface of the
sea may be frozen to a considerable depth. The
frozen sea-water might be freshened, he thought, by the
continuous addition of snow, and the outcome of his ob-
servations was to the effect that the field-ice might be
formed in the open sea, and that consequently its pres-
ence was not necessarily a sign of the proximity of land.
In this, he was no doubt substantially correct; but he
went farther in his speculations as to the origin of ice-
bergs. After brooding over the matter for a fortnight
he came to the conclusion that icebergs also were
creatures of the sea and not of the land, as had always
been held before. He knew that Captain Weddell had
reported a berg so impregnated with earth as to make it
look like a piece of rock, but he himself had seen hun-
dreds of bergs, all of unsullied purity and not one of them
bore the least trace of any connection with the land.
They might, he thought, be the product of the perpetual
freezing of a tranquil sea “ accumulating with time.” It
was the experience of February 25th, 1831, that convinced
Biscoe of the truth of this theory. An “ appearance of
land ” had been seen the night before in latitude
66° 29' S., longitude 450 17' E., but at noon:
“ That which lately had the appearance of land now
bore from E. S. E. to W. S. W. (true bearing), with
a large range of field-ice stretching to the N. E.
Innumerable icebergs, and the vessels so encom-
passed with straggling pieces we could proceed no
further with safety owing to a strong N. E. swell, which
set towards the main body of ice, which it now proved to
ENDERBY BROTHERS
iS3
be; the appearance of it was, I think, nearly similar to
the North Foreland, and I should think the cliffs of it,
which bore the marks of icebergs having been broken
from off it, and which was exactly similar to their sides
in every respect, was as high, or nearly so, as the North
Foreland; it then ran away to the southward with a
gradual ascent, with a perfectly smooth surface, and I
could trace it in extent to at least from 30 to 40
miles from the foretop with a good telescope ; it was then
lost in the general glow of the atmosphere. As I ob-
served some two or three lumps, which had the appear-
ance of land from the irregularity of their surface, I low-
ered a boat, and went myself to ascertain whether or not
there was any appearance of land on a nearer view,
judging myself to be about 3 miles at his time from
the main body; but after pulling about half an hour or
more, I found we were rather more than half a mile
from it still, with the ice so thick we could at times
scarcely get the boat through it, and as both vessels
were hull down, and entirely at times hid from us by the
ice, the weather also having a black appearance from the
northward with a heavy N. E. swell, I deemed it most
prudent to return after having fully convinced myself
this was nothing more than a solid body of ice.”
This barrier of solid ice rising like a wall 100 feet or
so above the sea might very probably have been part of a
great ice-barrier similar to that found by Ross ten years
later, and believed by him to be the edge of confluent
glaciers or of an ice-cap completely covering an exten-
sive land. Biscoe, however, had persuaded himself that
all Antarctic ice was sea-ice and he states boldly:
“ I have not the least doubt that the whole spaces, from
the latitudes I have visited to the Pole, are one solid
154 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
mass; land may intervene, or winds, where they are
strong and prevalent, may have prevented its forming in
some parts more than others, but I have found such
frequent calms and light airs with smooth water, that I
see no reason why ice should not be formed to any extent
during the winter seasons.”
These views have recently been confirmed by fresh
evidence collected by Captain Scott on the Discovery
expedition. Biscoe showed very clearly how the
great masses of flat-topped floating ice “accumulated
with time,” could give rise to all the varieties of peaked
and caverned bergs wh;ch were to be met with by the
solvent action of the sea-water on the submerged portion,
altering their centre of gravity and causing them to turn
over, exposing the fantastically water-worn parts to
the air.
On February 6th, a patch of discoloured water was
seen, but no soundings were found with 250 fathoms
of line. On the 14th a severe gale blew and the cutter
got out of sight again. The weather became so thick
that lumps of floating ice, collision with which would
have sent the brig to the bottom, could hardly be seen
until they were almost on board, and the seas broke over
the deck and froze so that if some unknown but benevo-
lent Captain Christie had not supplied the crew with
boots at Gravesend, the captain declared that half the
poor fellows would have been laid up. After four days
of anxious search the Lively was found again, and on
February 20th, when the days were beginning to shorten
with uncomfortable rapidity, a fine display of the aurora
australis was seen by the officer of the watch, who neg-
lected to report it to the captain before it disappeared,
and is censured in the iog accordingly. On the same day
ENDERBY BROTHERS
155
the Tula crossed Captain Cook's route in 40° E., almost
at the farthest south point made by the great commander
at his first dip to southward of the circle. Cook had been
compelled by the ice to retire northward at once, but
Biscoe was able to carry on on an easterly course, though
gradually trending to the northward. On February
28th, after two days of terrible pitching and straining of
the vessels in a heavy southeasterly gale, the weather
moderated ; they tacked to the southward, and from lati-
tude 66° S. and in longitude 470 20' E. the captain dis-
cerned some hummocks on the southern horizon, which
at 4 p. m., much resembled the tops of mountains, and at
6 p. m. it was clear that they really were black mountain
summits, standing up from a considerable extent of land.
The land, however, appeared very far off and was closely
beset with field-ice and icebergs. For two days the ves-
sels struggled gallantly southward, taking advantage of
every opening in the ice-pack to edge in towards the land
which was now only about 12 leagues off. A magnifi-
cent Aurora australis also appeared, but Biscoe, at first
overjoyed at seeing the splendid phenomenon, soon found
it a source of danger, because he could hardly restrain the
lookouts and the man at the wheel from gazing up at the
sky instead of at the ship's course and the menacing ice.
A prominent headland had by this time become familiar,
and Biscoe, after finding its approximate position to be
66° 25' S., 490 18' E., named it Cape Ann, but drops no
hint as to the identity of the lady thus honoured in his
first discovery. A channel of clear water three miles
wide was found heading straight for the land, but just
as it seemed certain that it could be reached, a south-
easter burst upon the ships ; the cutter disappeared from
view, one of the brig's boats was swept away, others
156 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
stove in, the bulwarks smashed, and the ;crew so be-
numbed by the bitter cold that they could not hold on to
a rope for two minutes at a time. The brig became com-
pletely unmanageable and drove before the wind ; the ice
drove with it, and apparently at the same rate, for no
collision ensued, and when the weather moderated after
five days of hurricane fury, the Tula was little better
than a wreck* and had been driven one hundred and
twenty miles before the wind.
Although five men out of his small crew were
on the sick list as the result of the storm and the most
serious anxiety was felt as to the safety of the cutter,
Biscoe tried yet again to get south with a southeasterly
gale howling against him half the day and subsiding into
calm once in every twenty-four hours, until on March
16th, Cape Ann was seen once more, and also a very high
mountain. The ice did not seem to have been disturbed
in its position by the succession of heavy gales. Summer
was over, the air temperature had fallen to 22° F., and
sorely against his will Biscoe had to give up all hope of
reaching Cape Ann or the coast that bore it, now named
after his owners, Enderby Land. He had done his best
and could do no more. The log states:
“ The land inaccessible, heavy gales frequent every
day, some of the people getting sick, the carpenter for
some time past having lost the use of his legs, and two
others at this time in the same situation, and two or three
more under medicine for the same complaint, although
every attention has been paid to their health and com-
fort. The vessel is very uncomfortable in bad weather
and ships a great deal of water, and is now on her out-
side, both hull and ropes, where the spray can reach, one
mass of ice.”
ENDERBY BROTHERS
H7
Yet with all this against him, Biscoe observes that as
the land seemed to trend toward the northeast he still
hoped to reach it in some part free from ice.
The southeasterly gales continued, the fact could not
be overlooked that scurvy had broken out on board, the
ship was a mass of ice, although now in 62° S.,
and at length, on April 4th, the hope of meeting
the land was abandoned in 8o° E., and a course laid for
New Zealand. By this time only three of the crew were
able to stand, and it was no longer possible to beat
against head winds. The carpenter died on April 24th,
and on the 26th only one man of the crew was able to
stand, and the ship had to be worked by him, the captain
himself, two mates and a boy; it was hopeless to try to
make New Zealand, and to save the ship and the sur-
vivors of the crew, the Tula was headed for Van Die-
men’s Land. Next day a second man died. On May
8th the brig was off the unfamiliar coast of Tasmania,
of which there were no proper charts, and things looked
very black on board. Biscoe confided to his log :
“ I endeavoured all in my power to keep up the spirits
of those on board, and often had a smile on my face,
with a very different feeling within.”
After all her batterings, the Tula was at last safely
moored off Hobart Town, on May 10th, 1831 ; the dying
men were removed to a hospital on shore, and Biscoe was
at last able to rest for a time, though the absence of the
Lively was a heavy anxiety. As he entered the harbour
he met the Eliza cutter, with Captain Weddell on board.
When the Lively was separated from her consort
in the storm she continued the cruise in the icy seas
until deaths had reduced the ship’s company to Captain
Avery, one seaman and a little boy whose hand had been
158 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
crushed by the boat falling on it. They could not make
Tasmania but reached Port Philip, and when they landed
not far from what is now Melbourne they nearly died of
starvation, and the cutter drifted away. She was found
ashore after a fortnight, and the party reached the Der-
went on September 3rd to meet the Tula coming out.
Biscoe put back and waited until the cutter was refitted
and her crew restored to health.
With the southern spring in October, 1831, the Tula
and Lively were once more at sea ready for a fresh cam-
paign, Captain Weddell coming on board to say fare-
well as they sailed. Three months were spent in sealing
on the coasts of New Zealand and off the Chatham and
Bounty islands in order to get a cargo, and then the time
came to commence the homeward voyage by Cape Horn.
A course was shaped for the position assigned by the
charts to the Nimrod Islands, 56° S., 158° W. ; but no
land could be seen, and although there was an appearance
of shallow water the sounding-line showed no bottom.
Towards the end of January Biscoe resolved to cross
Captain Cook s track (he does not seem to have known
Bellingshausen s route), and steer south-eastward in
order to look for land to the W. S. W. of the South Shet-
lands, and Mr. Avery received instructions as to what
he should do in case the Lively lost sight of her consort.
On the 28th they were south of the sixtieth parallel in
1310 W., and ice-islands appeared in great numbers, with
some loose drift-ice. An extraordinarily low barometer
prevailed for several days, the mercury going as low as
27.3° inches, but the expected gale did not occur. Until
February 14th, tne course was easterly with a little
south, bringing the ships gradually to the Antarctic circle
along which they sailed without making any attempt to
ENDERBY BROTHERS
159
push far to the south, for Biscoe did not wish to repeat
his experiences of the previous summer and arrive at his
last sealing ground with a crew incapacitated for work.
Accordingly, his course at this part of the voyage lay
on the average two degrees to the north of Bellings-
hausen’s track.
The cutter as usual was a source of never-ending
anxiety. On February 4th, six hogsheads of water had
been put aboard of her from the brig, as the smaller
vessel had run short, and Biscoe now thought that drink-
ing ice-water led to dysentery. Mr. White took this oc-
casion to return on board the Tula, as he had had some
dispute with Mr. Avery. We are not told who Mr. White
was, but immediately on his arrival, Biscoe refers to the
bad state of the Lively’s canvas, and the necessity for
making a quick voyage home. Icebergs continued in
abundance and vigilance was increased to avoid them,
so that the ice necessitated a change of course to the
northward on one occasion only, and when Biscoe
reached the point in 78° W., where the Russian ships had
been forced northward after finding Peter I. Island and
Alexander I. Land, he seems to have had no difficulty in
running east-southeast to 67° S. in 72° W. Here land
was sighted on February 14th, and from a chance refer-
ence to its being the most southerly known land, it would
appear that Biscoe was ignorant of the discoveries of his
predecessors of ten years before. Three miles off the
shore a sounding found no bottom with 250 fathoms.
Says Biscoe :
“ This island, being the farthest known land to the
southward, I have honoured it with the name of H. M. G.
Majesty Queen Adelaide. It has a most imposing and
beautiful appearance, having one very high peak running
160 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Up into the clouds, and occasionally appears both above
and below them ; about one-third of the mountains, which
are about 4 miles in extent from north to south, have
only a thin scattering of snow over their summits.
Towards the base the other two-thirds are buried in a
field of snow and ice of the most dazzling brightness.
This bed of snow and ice is about 4 miles in extent,
sloping gradually down to its termination; a cliff, ten
or twelve feet high, which is split in every direction for
at least two or three hundred yards from its edge
inwards, and which appears to form icebergs only wait-
ing for some severe gales or other cause to break them
adrift and put them in motion. From the great depth of
water, I consider this island to have been originally a
cluster of perpendicular rocks, and I am thoroughly of
opinion that the land I before saw last year, could I have
got to it, would have proved to be in the same state as
this, and likewise all land found in high southern
latitudes/’
Here Biscoe reveals the unrelenting grip that his
theory of the sea-origin of all Antarctic ice had taken of
his mind. He doubtless remembered Weddell’s sugges-
tion as to the origin of the mythical Aurora Islands from
icebergs entangled amongst the Shag Rocks (though as
we have seen, he resolutely shut his eyes to Weddell’s
discovery of an earth-saturated iceberg), and now with
the genesis of miniature icebergs from the glaciers of a
mountainous island before his eyes, he refused to believe
his own senses, and preferred to think that it was only
the escape of sea-ice previously icaged between the bars
of perpendicular rocks.
Next day was particularly clear, and high mountains
were seen to the southward at a distance estimated at
ENDERBY BROTHERS
161
ninety miles, but a fog came on and continued for twenty-
four hours, making it necessary to steer northwest.
Many birds now appeared about the ships and on the
17th and 18th, a row of small islands was passed, the
series now known as the Biscoe Islands. They lay in a
line from W. S. W. to E. N. E. and were not moun-
tainous, but each covered with a shield of ice and snow
perfectly smooth except at the edges. A tier of very
high mountains presented a grand appearance in the
background, belonging in Biscoe’s opinion, to the main-
land. On February 19th a landing was made on an
island, the position of the middle of the west side of
which was fixed by good observations in 65° 20'S.,
66° 38' W. ; but no seals were found on it. This island
was named after Pitt, “ from the great likeness of an
iceberg to that statesman in a sitting posture, and which
for some time I took to be a rock.”
The island appeared at first to join the mainland, and
in a few days Biscoe was able to set foot upon what must
have been the land discovered by Palmer and named
after him by Powell. Though recent expeditions have
shown that this is a group of islands of no great size,
Biscoe believed that it was a land of large extent and that
he was the first to discover it. He accordingly took for-
mal possession in the name of King William IV., after
whom he named the highest mountain, while the peak
next in height was named for Captain John Moberly,
R. N. The sea was so calm that if any seals had been
found the ships could have lain securely alongside the
rocks to take them on board.
Biscoe’s discovery was subsequently marked on the
charts as Graham Land, the name being given in honour
of Sir James R. G. Graham, the First Lord of the
11
1 62 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Admiralty at the time. The troubled career of this un-
popular statesman lives unenviably in common memory
in England because as Home Secretary he ordered Maz-
zini’s letters to be opened in the Post Office and communi-
cated to the Austrian government. In Scotland his high-
handed proceedings in connection with the ecclesiastical
difficulties which led to the Disruption of the National
Church in 1843 are n°t yet forgotten.
It is not easy after the lapse of many years to under-
stand how far the names given to portions of newly dis-
covered coasts were intended by their sponsors to apply
to the whole mass of land of which these coasts formed
part of the boundary. Fanning undoubtedly under-
stood Palmer Land to include the whole mass of land to
the southward of the South Shetlands, and referred to
it as a continent. Biscoe’s “mainland,” the Graham
Land of the British charts was no doubt meant to be
equally inclusive, and so too, was Johnson’s New South
Greenland. Making allowance for the uncertainty of
longitudes determined even with the utmost care by ships
whose chronometers had not been rated for months, or
perhaps even for years, we can easily understand the con-
fusion wrought by the multiplication of over-lapping
names, and this confusion was made worse confounded
by the fact that as a rule each discoverer was ignorant of
the work of his predecessor. As a matter of historic
justice, it seems to us that Powell’s name of Palmer Land
ought to be retained for the whole group of islands, and
possible continental peninsula south of the South Shet-
lands, Graham Land might well be restricted to the
southern part south of Adelaide Island, and the other
names be fixed to definite members of the group ; but to
this subject we must return later.
ENDERBY BROTHERS 163
Discoveries, even though they included a new conti-
nent, would not fill the hungry holds of the sealers, so
Biscoe made for the South Shetlands, where he expected
that “ the March bulls would be coming up.” On March
5th the Tula was securely anchored in the land-locked
harbour of New Plymouth, while Biscoe worked among
the islands in the cutter collecting a scanty harvest of sea-
elephants. Pie returned on April 2nd, and the mate of
the Tula reported that on one occasion a heavy swell had
set into the harbour and menaced the ship. Preparations
were accordingly made to get away as soon as possible,
the Lively to proceed direct to England, while the inde-
fatigable Biscoe was to take the brig off to the nearest
sperm-whaling ground to fill up with oil. Everything
was ready for departure on April 10th, but before the
anchors were got up the wind shifted to the northeast
and sent in a terrific swell, which the Lively rode in
safety, but the greater draught of the Tula caused her
to strike the ground in the trough of the huge waves.
So serious did the situation become that the brig had to
be abandoned, her rudder being broken and the breakers
making a clean breach over the vessel. She must have
been a stoutly-built craft, however, for she was not stove
in, and when the weather moderated the rudder was tem-
porarily hung with ropes and on April 29th, 1832, after a
stormy passage, the Tula reached Berkeley Sound in the
Falklands for repairs.
At the Falklands the two vessels again lost sight of
each other and on touching at Santa Catarina in Brazil,
Biscoe learned that the poor Lively, after following him
round the world, had come to grief at last in the Falk-
lands, where her crew remained while the Tula anchored
in the Thames on January 30th, 1833.
164 siege of the south pole
Biscoe’s voyage won for him a well-deserved reward
from the Royal Geographical Society in the form of the
second gold medal it ever awarded. Although the
voyage brought no pecuniary profit to the owners,
they were highly gratified at the magnificent feat
of sailing for i6o° of longitude south of 6o° S., and
for almost fifty degrees within the Antarctic circle itself,
as well as at the discoveries of land. They gave Biscoe
vessels for another voyage without delay and made elab-
orate arrangements for combining geographical discov-
ery with commercial seal-hunting. The Admiralty also
interested themselves in the matter and appointed Mr.
Henry Rea, R. N., to accompany the expedition as a
surveying officer. Biscoe commanded the brig Hopeful
in which Rea was a passenger and sailed from London
on May 13th, 1833. No narrative of the cruise has been
preserved, so far as we can ascertain, and the facts must
be pieced together from fragmentary notices. The Hope-
ful reached the Falklands on October 23d, and found that
a terrible tragedy had occurred there. A party of South
American convicts transported to the islands had fallen
upon and massacred the leading men of the little group
of British settlers, including Matthew Brisbane, the
superintendent, who had been Weddell’s companion on
the famous voyage of the Jane and Beaufoy. From the
tone of an official letter in which Rea announces the fact
of the massacre it would seem as if he were then in com-
mand of one of the ships, if not of the expedition, for he
speaks of his arrangements and his plans without men-
tioning anyone else. Biscoe met Captain Dumont D’Ur-
ville at Hobart Town in 1839, an^ appears to have talked
freely about the failure of this expedition, and D’Urville
says on the direct authority of this interview : “ Personal
ENDERBY BROTHERS 165
reasons made Biscoe give up this voyage, and another
was charged with the expedition.” The two vessels
reached the South Shetlands in the southern summer of
1 833-34 and appear to have found the ice conditions very
severe. They seem to have sailed toward Alexander
Land in the hope of making a circumnavigation west-
ward in a high latitude, but they were beset in the ice
and the Hopeful was crushed and sank, all hands being
saved by the smaller vessel. Biscoe suggested to D’Ur-
ville that this was due to the inexperience of the com-
mander. Biscoe returned to London about January,
1835, when Mr. Enderby handed to him the gold medal
of the Paris Geographical Society awarded in April,
1834, for his Antarctic explorations. In acknowledging
this award the explorer said in a letter to the President :
“ Allow me to express my very hearty and sincere
thanks to the Society, and to assure you that if an oppor-
tunity to revisit those latitudes again presents itself,
neither difficulty nor danger will prevent me from resum-
ing the exploration of a part of the world still almost
unknown and now so interesting.”
Biscoe continued in the employment of Messrs. En-
derby, and while in command of the brig Emma he made
several attempts to push exploration to the southward of
New Zealand, but had always been stopped by the ice
about 63° S. In January, 1839, he had been spoken by
Balleny off Campbell Island, and at the close of the same
year he met Wilkes in Sydney Harbour. Shortly after-
wards he visited D’Urville at Hobart Town, and then
said that he knew of no land having been discovered
south of Tasmania. The interview with Wilkes in which
he informed the latter of the discovery of the Balleny
Islands would thus seem to have occurred later, on
166 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Wilkes’s return from his southern cruise. The whole
matter is confused and difficult to follow.
When Biscoe subsequently returned to England he
fell into poor circumstances and died in 1848 in such
depth of poverty that his widow and four children were
only saved from starvation by a timely subscription got
up by seafaring men.
In 1893 Mr. J. G. Foxton communicated to the Mel-
bourne Branch of the Royal Geographical Society of
Australasia a paper entitled “ Notes of a long-forgotten
Antarctic voyage in 1833 ” which were set down from
his recollection of the expedition on which he himself
had sailed. The expedition was in two ships, the Hope-
well and the Rose, belonging to Messrs. Enderby, under
the command of Lieutenant Binstead, R. N. They
discovered land in jo° S. between io° and 20° W. and
then the Rose was crushed in the ice and all hands
escaped in the Hopewell. The land had been seen a few
years earlier by a Russian expedition, the reports of which
Binstead had been sent out to confirm. The paper is
interesting as an example of the tricks that memory can
play sixty years after the event. For Hopewell we must
read Hopeful and for Binstead we must read Biscoe,
and we must add about fifty degrees to the longitude
before we can realise that the long-forgotten voyage was
that of Biscoe and Rea, a contemporary account of
which would be such interesting reading. Perhaps Mr.
Foxton’s memory for incidents may have been stronger
than for names and positions, but we cannot trust it, and
only mention his account because it has already been cited
in books of reference and at first sight it might appear
as if the Coats Land discovered by Mr. W. S. Bruce in
1904 had been seen seventy years before.
ENDERBY BROTHERS 167
Although the Enderby’s attempt at exploration in 1833
ended in failure and Binstead was a figment of the mind,
a British sealer named Kemp also sent out by Messrs.
Enderby made a notable voyage in that year of which
nothing is known save his track on the chart. Sailing
southward from Kerguelen nearly on the meridian of 6o°
E. he discovered signs of land in 66° S., and although
Kemp Land has never been seen again it continues to be
shown on the map.
The interest of the Enderbys did not flag, and in 1838,
in spite of the heavy financial loss incurred by Biscoe’s
voyage and that which followed, they in conjunction
with seven other London merchants, fitted out a new
expedition, the results of which were scarcely less re-
markable than Biscoe’s. On July 16th, 1838, the
schooner Eliza Scott of 154 tons, with John Balleny in
command, accompanied by the dandy-rigged cutter
Sabrina of 54 tons, under H. Freeman, left the Thames
on a sealing voyage, with instructions to push as far to
the south as possible in the hope of discovering land in
a high latitude. The little squadron was provided with
three chronometers and was otherwise well equipped.
After spending some time in Chalky Bay in the South
Island of New Zealand, where the crews of both vessels
were in a state bordering on mutiny, Balleny sailed on
January 7th, 1839, and on the nth entered Perseverance
Harbour, Campbell Island, where by a curious coin-
cidence he met John Biscoe engaged on a sealing voy-
age in the Emma, just as the latter had met James Wed-
dell in Hobart Town when performing his memorable
circumnavigation. Sailing thence on January 17th, the
voyage was resumed to the south, and Balleny, getting to
the south of Bellingshausen’s track on the 27th, reached
1 68 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
the Antarctic circle in longitude 178° E., on the 29th.
Field-ice bounded the southern horizon, and numerous
bergs were in sight. On February 1st the Eliza Scott
and Sabrina were stopped in latitude 69° S., longitude
1720 E., by a large body of packed ice. They did not
attempt to penetrate the pack, but worked to the north-
west along its edge against a strong westerly wind, which
they had not expected to find so far south. No previous
voyagers had ever got so far south in these longitudes.
For several days the weather was thick and foggy,
with light winds. The sea was discoloured ; there were
feathers floating about and many seals and penguins
were seen, while whales were also plentiful. Little
progress was made and except the ice surrounding the
ships, nothing could be seen.
On February 9th, 1839, 8 a. m., the sky cleared
and an observation for longitude was obtained which
gave the position as 164° 30' E. At 11 o’clock, a dark
appearance was noticed to the southwest and the sun
continuing to shine brightly, allowed an observation
for latitude to be made at noon, giving the position as
66° 37' S., while the appearance noted an hour previously
was seen to be land. A course was immediately set
for the land, and at 8 p. m. it was within five miles
of the vessels, showing up as three large and very high
islands, with a number of smaller ones. Next day the
Eliza Scott succeeded in getting to within a mile of
the middle island, but it was found to be closely invested
with ice and no landing possible. Fog soon came on and
continued for two days, with occasional clear blinks. A
glimpse of the land obtained in one of these showed a
mountain of tremendous height, estimated by Balleny at
12,000 feet. On February 12th both captains made an
ENDERBY BROTHERS 169
attempt to land in the Sabrina’s boat at the only ac-
cessible place 011 the island bearing the great mountain,
a beach of a few feet wide which was uncovered only
for a moment as each wave drew back. Balleny de-
scribes the visit tersely and without any attempt at pic-
turesque description, for he had no gift of language :
“ Captain Freeman jumped out and got a few stones,
but was up to the middle in water. There is no landing
or beach on this land; in fact, but for the bare rocks
where the icebergs had broken from, we should scarce
have known it for land at first, but, as we stood in for
it, we plainly perceived smoke arising from the mountain
tops. It is evidently volcanic, as the specimens of
stones, or cinders, will prove. The cliffs are perpen-
dicular, and what would in all probability have been
valleys and beaches are occupied by solid blocks of ice.
I could not see a beach or harbour or anything like one.”
The schooner and cutter held on their course to the
northwestward and saw no more of the land. There
were altogether five large and two small islands to which
the names of five of Mr. Enderby’s partners in the cruise
are attached, the other two being commemorated in
the peaks. The names given in Mr. Enderby’s paper do
not correspond exactly with those on the Admiralty
charts, but there is no official tribunal to decide on these
matters and it is sufficient to say that the names to whom
the deserved honours were paid in 1839 were G. F.
Young, W. Borradaile, J. W. Buckle, T. Sturge, W.
Brown, J. Row, and W. Beale, together with Captain
Freeman of the Sabrina, who stands godfather to the
great mountain on Young Island, where he landed.
Fortunately the second mate of the Eliza Scott, named
John MacNab, had some little skill with the pencil
170 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
and succeeded in making a sketch of all the islands of
the Balleny group from a distance of about nine miles.
In this sketch the most prominent features are the lofty
cone of Peak Freeman on Young Island and the smoke
rising from an active volcano on Buckle Island. Beale
Pinnacle, a rock off the eastern end of Borradaile Island,
is described as rising from the water like a lighthouse.
The course westward was made between the latitudes
of 63° and 65° S. without any incident to break the
usual succession of icebergs and fogs except a supposed
sight of land on February 26th, which was afterwards
believed to be merely fog hanging over an iceberg.
Then on March 2nd, the ships being in 65° S. 12 1° E.,
land was sighted to the south, but no further particulars
are given, either in Balleny’s log or in that of William
Moore the chief mate of the Eliza Scott, the latter
remarking only that “ the supposed land ” was not more
than one mile to windward. Next day an attempt was
made to get towards the land through the ice, but the
pack was too heavy to penetrate, and although the “ ap-
pearance of land ” was logged as visible beyond the ice on
two occasions that day it does not seem to have been
very decided. Although the name of the cutter Sabrina
has been given to an appearance of land at this point, we
cannot look upon its discovery as proved by the vague
references made by the explorers.
On March 13th an iceberg about 300 feet high was
passed within a quarter of a mile in 61 0 S. 103 0 40' E.,
the weather being particularly fine and calm. About 20
feet up the side of this a block of dark stone, about
12 feet high and 6 feet wide embedded in the ice, was
conspicuously visible, a circumstance that attracted the
special attention of the artist mate MacNab and led
[ To face p. 1 70.
ENDERBY BROTHERS 171
to an interesting note by Charles Darwin. The strong
belief of Biscoe that all Antarctic ice originated at sea
led that explorer to ignore or explain away the reports
of earth-stained ice made by Weddell and others, but
Darwin points out that a stone had once before been seen
on an iceberg during a sealing cruise by a former boat-
swain of H. M. S. Beagle. The existence of these em-
bedded rocks can only be accounted for on the hypothesis
of the origin of the icebergs as land-ice, and Darwin
points out that the block seen by the Eliza Scott must
have drifted certainly more than ioo miles, and probably
more than 450 miles from the land of its origin, while it
was 1400 miles distant from the nearest certainly-known
land, that of Enderby.
This day was diversified by another episode which
was much more momentous for the two junior mem-
bers of the expedition than any discovery in natural
science. The veil rises for a moment from the social
life of those two lonely little craft tossing amongst the
ice on the very verge of the known world, but it falls
again so quickly that we can picture little from the
glimpse. “ This morning Captain Freeman came on
board and brought the boy Smith with him and took the
boy Juggins on board the cutter.” We can only specu-
late whether the wretched Smith was brought on board
for purposes of discipline and the proud Juggins pro-
moted to his place, or whether the miserable Juggins was
condemned for some dereliction of duty to the smaller
craft and fortune smiled on the happy Smith. A good
deal hinges on the question whether the boy Smith was
identical with Smith the fisherman, for on the 16th
Moore once more refers to the life on board :
“At 10 Smith, the fisherman, being at the tiller, and
172 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
it getting dark and all hands busy shortening sail, the
captain conned the vessel, intending to hail the cutter,
when giving directions to Smith to starboard and port
the helm as required, desired him to answer that he
(the captain) might know whether he heard him or not,
when Smith became exceedingly insolent to the captain,
and at last let go the tiller, hove the tiller-rope in the
captain’s face and swore that he would not take the
tiller any more while he was in the vessel, and was so
abuseful that the captain was obliged to take him by the
neck and push him forward and beat him severely.” A
marginal note on the log, probably in the captain’s hand,
states that “ the last three words were written many days
afterwards and in pure malice.” Next day we are
told that Smith remained below, refusing to do his
duty, and a day later that he was not well. There
must have been many rough episodes in the strenuous
life of those vikings of the south, and the skippers had to
be men of action ready to repress insubordination by
methods that their semi-mutinous crews could under-
stand.
The course was now altered to a northerly one along
the 95th meridian of east longitude, and until the ice was
left behind fine displays of the aurora australis were
observed every night. On March 24th a gale rose and
the Sabrina was evidently in distress, burning blue
lights. At daybreak next morning the cutter was no-
where to be seen and Balleny, now very anxious for her
safety, had as much as he could do to enable his own
ship to weather the storm. A heavy sea broke on board
staving both boats, sweeping everything from the deck
and laying the vessel on her beam-ends so that for ten
minutes she seemed to be settling in the water; but the
ENDERBY BROTHERS
i73
stout little schooner righted herself and sustained no
serious damage. The Sabrina was never heard of
again. By September 17th the Eliza Scott was safe
once more in the port of London in time to report the
result of her discoveries to Captain James Clark Ross,
who was on the point of sailing with the Erebus and
Terror.
Balleny’s cruise proved for the first time the exist-
ence of land within the Antarctic circle south of New
Zealand, and by means of it the firm of Enderby forged
still more links in the strong chain of evidence that
either the edge of an extensive continent or a long series
of islands lay to the south of the Indian Ocean just
within or on the Antarctic circle, portions of which
appeared in the Balleny Islands on the east, Enderby
Land on the west, and at Kemp Land and possibly
Sabrina Land between the two.
In 1847 the Messrs. Enderby obtained from the British
Government a concession for the exclusive possession of
the Auckland Islands as a whaling station, and the
Southern Whale Fishery Company was established. At
least one important voyage of exploration resulted, but
it has been almost lost sight of by the unaccountable loss
of the documents given by Mr. Charles Enderby to a
member of the Council of the Royal Geographical Society
for preservation in the library. In mentioning this fact
at a meeting of the Society in 1858, Mr. Enderby said that
in February, 1850, Captain Tapsell left the Aucklands in
the ship Brisk, sighted the Balleny Islands and proceeded
thence to the westward as far as the meridian of 1430 E.
in a considerably higher latitude than that followed by
Wilkes, and without sighting any land.
CHAPTER IX
THE DAWN OF THE VICTORIAN ERA
“ . . . A closer link
Betwixt us and the crowning race
Of those that, eye to eye, shall look
On knowledge; under whose command
Is Earth and Earth’s, and in their hand
Is Nature like an open book.”
HE nineteenth century stands by itself, set apart
from all the centuries of history which went before
it by the rapid advance of natural science and its
applications to practical ends.
As the means of travel were perfected the motive which
led to exploration changed, and while for the first thirty
years of the century the aims of explorers were not dis-
similar from those of Columbus and Magellan, during the
last seventy years there were in the political sense no
worlds left for the seafarer to conquer. The desirable
temperate lands were all occupied or at least “ pegged
out ” by European nations, and the great trade routes
were fairly established and free from any national
restrictions.
The period of transition between 1830 and 1840 led
to the establishment of the life and thought of to-day,
to the manners and ideals which stamp this portion
of history as an era requiring a name, and it is perhaps
the last era in the history of the world to which the name
of any sovereign will be entirely applicable. The era
-Tennyson.
THE VICTORIAN ERA 175
was one during which in science, trade, and political
ascendancy the United Kingdom became and remained
greater than any other nation of the world. Towards
the end other great Powers, and particularly the United
States and Germany, have come to the front by strides
so gigantic as to make it practically impossible that
any one Power can ever again be so far ahead of the
rest as Britain was in the zenith of the Victorian Era.
This is not the place to discuss the causes of that pre-
eminence or to speculate as to its duration, nor can
we claim the special field of the present volume as that
in which the preeminence was most strikingly displayed.
Still without claiming for British explorers greater dar-
ing or a stronger sense of duty or a more fervid
patriotism than animated the explorers of other nations,
we cannot shut our eyes to the fact that in the British
subject the elements are so kindly mixed as to have
made success a tradition of the flag.
The term Victorian Era is not used in any narrow or
merely national sense. It is intended to cover the period
following the scientific renascence of the nineteenth cen-
tury, which was restricted to no country, but in which
one nation profited by and improved upon the thought
and work of another. Partly by rivalry, partly by co-
operation they made of modern science not so much a
finished statue as a working engine, always being im-
proved in one part or another.
New learned bodies which expanded and multiplied
with the specialisation of science were everywhere
springing into existence before Queen Victoria ascended
the British throne, and spurring the august Academies
and Royal Societies out of their ancient calm. The
Paris Geographical Society was founded in 1821, that
1 76 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
of Berlin in 1828, and the Royal Geographical Society
in London in 1830. The last named claimed some sort
of relationship it is true to the African Association of
1788; but to all intents and purposes it was new in scope
and in enthusiasm. The German gathering of Physicians
and Men of Science which met periodically in different
centres for the purpose of stimulating popular interest
in the study of Nature had recently been founded and
proved a great success. Sir David Brewster heard of
it, visited one of its meetings, and returned to found in
1831, with other active scientific men full of the growing
enthusiasm for natural knowledge, the British Associa-
tion for the Advancement of Science. From the outset
this Association, though sneered at by not a few of the
older hide-bound professors of the earlier period, set
about the exhaustive discussion of pressing problems in
pure and applied science.
Gradually in every country of Europe and in the
United States the need of a more exact and complete
study of the laws of terrestrial magnetism had been
recognised, and a period of rapid advance in magnetic
observation set in, accompanied by improvements of the
instruments employed in the field or in the observatory,
and of the methods of calculation. The problem pre-
sented by terrestrial magnetism is by no means entirely
solved even now ; at the beginning of the nineteenth cen-
tury it could hardly be propounded. In 1836 Humboldt
declared that no other branch of science had advanced
so far in a single generation.
It is not necessary to tell anyone now-a-days that
poetic phrases such as “ true as the needle to the pole ”
do not represent the fact. It is generally known that the
freely poised magnetic needle points in a different direc-
THE VICTORIAN ERA
l77
tion in every place, and that the direction varies in any
one place from time to time. Some of these variations
are temporary and irregular, partaking of the nature
of storms, others are steady and uniform, admitting of
ready calculation and prediction when a sufficient number
of data is known.
The difference between sciences based on observation
and those based on experiment, is that in the former no
short cut is possible to arrive at the theory binding
together all that has been discovered, and pointing the
way to all that remains to be found out. The toil of
hundreds, or it may be thousands of observers is neces-
sary for scores of years, or it may be for centuries before
the raw material has been accumulated in sufficient quan-
tity for the theoretical mathematician to deduce and prove
his simplifying theory. It was so in the case of astron-
omy, and it has been so in the case of terrestrial magnet-
ism, and it is so in the case of meteorology.
The scientific study of magnetism began in the
spacious days of Queen Elizabeth, when Dr. Gilbert of
Colchester proved the properties of the lodestone and
stated many fundamental facts as to the dip of a freely
suspended needle toward the horizon and its deviation
horizontally from the meridian or north and south line.
Observers in all parts of the world had kept records for
longer or shorter times which showed that the compass
needle pointed to the east or west of north in almost
every place, and that the amount of its deviation from
the true north was progressively changing. Thus Gil-
bert had found in 1576 that the compass needle pointed
eleven degrees east of north in London and year by year
this easterly declination diminished until in 1652 the
needle pointed due north — the poets of the middle of the
12
17B SIEGE OF TEIE SOUTH POLE
seventeenth century being right enough in symbolising
fidelity by the true-pointing compass— but year by year
the declination continued to increase, this time toward
the west, until in 1815 it came to a maximum of 24^°
West of North, the compass needle actually pointing
N.W. by N f N. Since that time it has been steadily
returning toward true north. These were facts so prom-
inent that the roughest observations served to make them
plain. It was only when the scattered data were col-
lected and critically compared that the difficulty of arriv-
ing at a general statement became obvious.
The astronomer Halley it will be remembered had
taken command of a ship of war in 1700, when he con-
ducted the first scientific expedition under the British or
any other flag to study magnetic declination in the
North and South Atlantic. The result was to enable
him to produce the first magnetic chart on which he had
the happy inspiration to draw curves connecting all
places where the magnetic declination had equal values.
This was the first use of that invaluable cartographical
method of contour lines which has since proved, one
might almost say, the foundation of the science of
geographical distribution, for it enables all phenomena,
visible or invisible, to be represented on maps if they are
capable of being measured and expressed in figures.
Following Halley’s advice ship-masters continued to
note the variation of their compasses from time to time
and to place their results on record, but for more than
half a century these results were so chaotic as to be
practically valueless. Then Captain Flinders discovered
that the iron of a ship affected the compasses in a different
way when the ship s head pointed in different directions,
so that a great part of the observed variation was simply
THE VICTORIAN ERA
179
due to changes in local attraction. A method was
eventually devised by the English physicist, Barlow, for
getting rid of this source of error by compensating
masses of iron suitably arranged near the compasses, and
the observations were thus improved in scientific value.
The instruments were rough and the methods crude until
the beginning of the nineteenth century, when terrestrial
magnetism assumed an importance never before attained.
Humboldt on his unparalleled scientific journey in
South America had paid special attention to magnetic
work, though he neglected no branch of human knowl-
edge— being as he was the last man who could grasp
the whole of the rapidly widening sheaf of natural
science. The observatories he subsequently established
in Europe showed that the minor perturbations of the
magnetic needle were simultaneous over vast areas of
the Earth’s surface, and suggested the magnificent con-
ception that their origin was not local but cosmical, due
to some influence outside the Earth altogether, to the
variations of which all parts of the globe responded at
the same moment. On his geological expedition to
Siberia in 1829 Humboldt, with the permission and indeed
the active assistance of the Russian Emperor, established
a chain of magnetic observing stations from Moscow
throughout Siberia to Peking and across the Pacific in
Sitka. Distinguished physicists in* the United States,
amongst whom Bache deserves to be specially mentioned,
carried similar observations across America.
The great Norwegian physicist Hansteen, and the
Russian explorer Erman, had conducted magnetic sur-
veys throughout Siberia, north into the Arctic circle, and
round the world through the Pacific and Atlantic
Oceans, bringing together an immense amount of new
i8o SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
data which Hansteen utilised in his great work on the
Magnetism of the Earth, published in 1819. Like Halley,
he endeavoured to find what possible arrangement of
magnets, hypothletically supposed to exist within the
Earth, and to shift their position from time to time, would
account for the varying phenomena observed on the sur-
face and enable them to be predicted to the advancement
of science and the advantage of navigation. Barlow,
in 1833, also compiled an elaborate chart of magnetic
declination and followed in the quest of a possible ex-
planation, trying to fix what number of “ magnetic
poles ” existed on the Earth or wandered over its sur-
face. To him the problem appeared so insoluble that
neither four nor any number of poles were sufficient to
account for the observations, but he thought that “ there
is no determinate pole to which all needles point, but that
each place has its own particular pole and polar revolu-
tion governed probably by some one general but unknown
cause.”
Meanwhile, the British Association, in the pride of its
youth, was appointing committees to report on the exist-
ing state of knowledge with regard to all branches of
science, and magnetism received a full share of attention.
Edward Sabine, an enthusiastic physicist rapidly gaining
promotion as an Artillery officer in virtue of his scien-
tific discoveries, had already carried out magnetic and
geodetic surveys in many distant parts of the world,
from the Arctic regions to the poisonous swamps of
West Africa. James Clark Ross, a no less enthusiastic
naval officer and tried Arctic explorer, had had the proud
experience of localising the North Magnetic Pole — using
that name for the point at which the compass ceased to
have any directive force, but where the freely suspended
General Sir Edward Sabine, K.C.B.
(From a painting in the rooms of the Royal Society )
[ To face /. 180.
THE VICTORIAN ERA 181
needle pointed with its north-seeking end vertically down-
wards. The Rev. Prof. Humphry Lloyd, of Dublin, had
perfected instruments for magnetic observations and made
many important researches on these subjects. All three
were associated on one of the British Association com-
mittees, the work of which consisted of making a mag-
netic survey of the British Isles between 1833 and 1837,
proceeding on the sound policy of beginning at home.
At the same time in 1835 Sabine presented to the Asso-
ciation a full abstract of Hansteen’s “ Magnetism of the
Earth.” Two years previously, Mr. S. Hunter Christie,
of Cambridge, in a survey of the existing views as to
the magnetic theory had introduced for the first time to
most British readers the name of a German mathematical
physicist, Johann Karl Friedrich Gauss, who held
original views on terrestrial magnetism, as to which the
Cambridge don pronounced an opinion so guarded that
whether the views in question were ultimately approved
or buried in oblivion, his judgment would appear to have
been justified by the event.
In 1823 Johann Kaspar Horner, who had sailed round
the world with Krusenstern as magnetic and meteoro-
logical observer, revised and greatly improved a map by
the Swedish investigator Wilcke showing lines of equal
magnetic dip for the whole Earth so far as observations
went. This made it possible for Sabine to present to
the British Association a Report of epoch-making im-
portance on the Distribution of Magnetic Intensity.
The fact that the total intensity of magnetic force varied
from place to place had been known for some time, but
until Sabine’s experienced eye had inspected and dis-
cussed the records no systematic attempt had been made
to place these variations on a chart.
1 82 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Not until 1837 had it been possible to present in a com-
parable and trustworthy form the data of all three mag-
netic elements — the declination or degree of variation of
the needle from the true north, the dip or inclination of
the needle to the horizon, and the total intensity of the
magnetic force. The time was opportune, and the man
was ready whose genius and training enabled him to com-
bine these three elements, each elaborated by a brilliant
specialist from the isolated labour of hundreds of observ-
ers, into one stately and harmonious theory. It would be
hopeless to attempt to describe the theoretical reasoning
of Gauss in a popular book, and in this volume the theory
of terrestrial magnetism concerns us only in so far as it
was an incentive to Antarctic exploration. It must there-
fore suffice to say that Gauss deduced a formula by which
he could calculate the magnetic elements for any spot on
the Earth’s surface at any time, and so far as observations
were available by which this formula could be checked, it
stood the test triumphantly. Amongst other conse-
quences of the theory it was shown that a south magnetic
pole similar to the north magnetic pole found by James
Clark Ross in Boothia Felix must exist in or near the
latitude of 66° S. and the longitude 146° E. It would
naturally be a triumph for the theory if the south mag-
netic pole were discovered in the region assigned, for
the stations where magnetic observations were available
in the southern hemisphere were so few that there, if
anywhere, an error in calculation would be most likely
to arise.
The importance of obtaining observations to fill up
the gaps in the magnetic maps had often been urged, but
during the years from 1833 to 1837 the matter was
receiving more and more earnest attention. The scien-
THE VICTORIAN ERA 183
tific mind was fully awake to the value of completing the
observational basis of theory; the practical intelligence
of the country did not fail to grasp the vast possibilities
of improved navigation. In the “ thirties ” a voyage to
India, to Australia, where trade was increasing with the
rising colony of New South Wales, above all to China,
was a very serious matter and the risk of shipwreck was
great. Anything which tended to reduce that risk was
to be welcomed eagerly. Steam navigation was begin-
ning and the possibility of constructing ships entirely of
iron promised an unprecedented expansion of ship-build-
ing. The first iron steamer to attempt a voyage in the
Irish Sea had been nearly lost on account of her com-
passes proving useless ; but Mr. G. B. Airy — for so many
years Astronomer Royal — after devoting much study to
the question had shown how the disturbing effect of an
iron ship could be practically neutralised. For a long
voyage therefore the chief danger of treachery in the
compasses was reduced to the uncertainty of the magnetic
conditions of the Earth itself, especially in such places as
the far south of the Indian Ocean where the declination
changed rapidly.
The world is wide and the interests of science are
many and diverse, so that it is impossible to preserve a
strict chronological order in describing the steps which
led to the great era of Antarctic exploration. We are not
wrong, however, in saying that this revival was a case of
magnetic attraction, the other causes being combined
with that in a minor degree.
At the meeting of the British Association in Dublin
in 1835 many important magnetic papers were read.
Robert Were Fox described his newly invented instru-
ment for measuring the dip, which was capable of being
1 84 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
used at sea; Sabine presented his translation of Han-
steen’s great work and referred to the blanks which re-
mained to be filled, and the committee on Magnetism in
set terms adopted the following recommendation :
“ That a representation be made to Government of the
importance of sending an expedition into the Antarctic
regions, for the purpose of making observations and dis-
coveries in various branches of Science, as Geography,
Hydrography, Natural History and especially Magnetism
with a view to determine precisely the place of the south
magnetic pole or poles, and the direction and inclination
of the magnetic force in those regions.”
The Council of the Association assumed a very cautious
attitude, reserving any action until they had seen the
result of the report on magnetic intensity which they
called upon Sabine to prepare. To this request he re-
sponded with splendid effect, but during the two years
while the Report was preparing he could not remain
silent as to the pressing need for an expedition, and we
know that he discussed the matter earnestly with Baron
Humboldt, then the first man of science in Europe. On
April 22nd, 1836, while the dispatch of an American ex-
pedition was a matter of lively dispute in Congress, and
while a great French expedition to the Pacific was form-
ing as a dream of ethnographical research in the mind of
Dumont D Urville, Humboldt under the strong impres-
sion created by conversations with Sabine, addressed a
weighty letter to the President of the Royal Society, at
that time H. R. H. the Duke of Sussex. This letter ap-
pealed for the establishment throughout the British Em-
pire of a series of magnetic observatories similar to those
which the Russian Emperor had established across
Siberia. Committees were appointed to report upon the
Baron von Humboldt.
[To face p. 184.
THE VICTORIAN ERA 185
letter and to draw up plans for the proposed establish-
ments; but difficulties and delays of many kinds arose
and for a couple of years things made but little progress.
The Royal Society applied to the Government for funds to
purchase magnetic instruments early in 1837, and money
was at once granted. Then some trouble arose as to
what instruments were to be bought. Many of the
British authorities looked with distrust on the new forms
of apparatus introduced by Gauss and used at continental
observatories, and while these were being tested at Green-
wich Observatory the months and years were slipping
past. A contemporary, evidently a man of high author-
ity, writing in the Quarterly Review a few years later
states that :
“ While thus in abeyance a movement from another
quarter gave a decisive turn to the whole project, by
striking at once an outline so full and sweeping as to meet
all the exigencies of the case.” This movement was the
long delayed action of the British Association.
During the period when both the bodies representing
natural science as a whole were deliberating and delay-
ing, events were moving forward. The American Ex-
ploring Expedition was decided upon, with Antarctic re-
search as a large part of its programme. Lieutenant
Wilkes of the United States Navy came to London to
buy magnetic and nautical instruments, and a notice prob-
ably derived directly from him and written by Captain
Washington, R. N., then secretary of the Royal Geo-
graphical Society, appeared in the Journal of that society
for 1836. It gave a brief outline of the American plans,
stated that the expedition would probably start in the
Spring of 1837, and welcomed in the warmest possible
way the accession of the United States to the number of
1 86 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
the great exploring nations of the world. Captain Wash-
ington was in close and constant communication with the
Paris Geographical Society, and transmitted to it all the
information he received as to the forthcoming expedi-
tions; but as he could not stir his own Council to any
active steps toward competition with the foreign expe-
dition, the idea of cooperation could hardly yet be pro-
posed.
Early in 1837 an anonymous pamphlet signed A. Z.
appeared in the form of a letter to the President and
Council of the Royal Geographical Society on the sub-
ject of Antarctic Discovery. This was obviously the
work of Captain Washington, and was indeed practically
acknowledged by him a few years later. The pamphlet
contained an able summary of Antarctic exploration with
a map showing the tracks of Cook, Biscoe, Weddell, Mor-
rell, and for the first time on any English chart the track
of Bellingshausen also. It contained a fervid appeal to
British patriotism suggested by the announcement of the
approaching American Expedition, and urged the Coun-
cil of the Royal Geographical Society to come forward
and press upon Government the necessity for a national
expedition, or if need were to cooperate with the spirited
London merchants in fitting out a private expedition to
the farthest south. The appeal was supported by three ar-
guments : the acquisition of scientific facts, the commer-
cial results likely to accrue from the revival of sealing
in the Southern Ocean, and the credit of the country as
a pioneer of discovery. The letter of Humboldt was re-
ferred to and it was asserted that:
“ All Europe looks to this country to solve the problem
of Terrestrial Magnetism; and all Europe, nay all civi-
lised nations, would unanimously point to that individual
THE VICTORIAN ERA 187
who has already planted the red cross of England on one
of the northern Magnetic Poles, as the man best fitted to
be the leader of an expedition, sent out for such a
purpose/'
This was the first suggestion in print of what must
have been an understood matter amongst the promoters
of the expedition, that James Clark Ross was the natural
and indeed the inevitable commander. The fervour of
the appeal to patriotism may be judged by two quota-
tions from A. Z.'s letter:
“ Oh ! let it not be said that more than half a century
elapsed since our immortal countryman Cook sacrificed
his life in the cause of discovery, and that no step was
taken to follow up the glorious track in which he led
the way, — that all within the Polar circle still remains
a blank on our charts ; — nay, infinitely more to our
disgrace, that we, who date a thousand years of naval
supremacy, allowed a nation but of yesterday, albeit gi-
gantic in her infancy, to snatch from us our birth-right
on the ocean, and to pluck the laurels that have been
planted and watered by the toils of our seamen.”
“ I . . . conclude with the earnest hope that through
your exertions my wishes may be realised, and that ere
long the Southern Cross may shine over an expedition
sailing to the Polar Seas — that Cross sung by Dante and
Camoens of old, which has served as a banner in a far
more sacred cause — that cross which by its position
points out the hour of night to the Indian wandering o'er
the pathless desert of Atacama, or the mariners plough-
ing the trackless ocean — that Cross which brightly
shone o'er Diaz and Columbus and Vasco da Gama —
and that Cross which I ardently hope will once again
shine o'er the 4 Meteor Flag of England,' proudly wav-
1 88 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
ing o’er Antarctic land, discovered by the zeal and in-
trepidity of British seamen.”
No direct result followed the effort of A. Z., the Royal
Geographical Society remained impervious to the ap-
peals of its secretary, seconded as these no doubt were by
Mr. Enderby, and so it had no part in the great era of
Antarctic research. Dumont D’Urville who was on the
point of sailing with a French expedition, part of whose
programme was to attain a high southern latitude, trans-
lated the letter for the Paris Geographical Society and
doubtless laid to heart its patriotic appeals mutatis mutan-
dis .... The dispatch of Balleny on his southern cruise
which has already been described was also possibly in
part a result of the letter.
The British Association, meeting at Liverpool in 1837,
received Sabine’s great Report on the variations of Mag-
netic Intensity, in the course of which he again strongly
urged the dispatch of an Antarctic expedition. He
quoted a letter from Professor Hansteen who said that
the poor Norwegian nation had through its Storthing
voted a handsome sum towards a magnetic expedition
into Siberia in the very session in which they had refused
a grant for a new royal palace in Christiania, and this
being so it was not too much to expect the wealthy Brit-
ish nation to make itself responsible for a magnetic sur-
vey of the whole southern part of the Earth. Sabine
concluded by saying that there was a naval officer avail-
able eminently fitted to be the leader “ and if fitting instru-
ments make fitting times, none surely can be better than
the present.”
In May, 1838, the Royal Society appointed a committee
on mathematics and physics to deliberate further on the
question of magnetic observatories and a South Polar
THE VICTORIAN ERA
189
voyage ; but took no action until the British Association,
at last fully committed to the enterprise, had taken the
decisive step. At the Newcastle meeting of the Associa-
tion in August, 1838, Captain Washington had read a
paper on Antarctic Discovery to the Geographical Section
(which that year had an independent existence for the
first time, though many years elapsed before it met again)
in terms very similar to and in parts identical with the let-
ter of A. Z. It is not likely that it produced much effect
on “ Her Majesty’s Parliament of Science,” as some one
christened the Association at this its first meeting in
Queen Victoria’s reign ; because the Association through
its Council had already decided to act, and had drawn up
a full and sufficient expression of the demands of the lead-
ing scientific men of the day. A committee consisting of
Sir John Herschel, and Professors Whewell, Peacock and
Lloyd was appointed to lay before Government a
memorial embodying the resolutions passed by the As-
sociation. This memorial was the charter of the expedi-
tion which resulted from its adoption and we may quote
the three most important resolutions it contained:
“ Resolved, 1. That the British Association views with
high interest the system of simultaneous magnetic obser-
vations which has been for some time carried on in Ger-
many and various parts of Europe, and the important
results to which it has already led; and that they con-
sider it highly desirable that similar series of observations,
regularly continued in correspondence with and in ex-
tension of these, should be instituted in various parts of
the British dominions.
“ 2. That this Association considers the following lo-
calities as particularly important : Canada, Ceylon,
St. Helena, Van Diemen’s Land, and Mauritius, or the
1 9o SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Cape of Good Hope ; and that they are willing to supply
instruments for their use.
• • * » »
“4. That the Association considers it highly impor-
tant that the deficiency, yet existing in our knowledge of
terrestrial magnetism in the southern hemisphere, should
be supplied by observations of the magnetic direction
and intensity, especially in the high southern latitudes be-
tween the meridians of New Holland and Cape Horn;
and they desire strongly to recommend to Her Majesty's
Government the appointment of a naval expedition ex-
pressly directed to that object.”
The committee lost no time in approaching Govern-
ment for on September 3rd the Prime Minister, Lord Mel-
bourne, wrote making an appointment to receive them on
November 10th. On that day some informal conversa-
tion took place, the presentation of the memorial being
postponed to November 29th, when the Chancellor of the
Exchequer was also present. The Prime Minister re-
ferred the memorial to the Royal Society, then as now,
the acknowledg d advisor of the Government on all sci-
entific matters, and it seems to have excited some surprise
at the time that the President and Council of the ancient
society “ casting behind them every feeling but an earnest
desire to render available to science the ancient and es-
tablished credit of their institution," warmly supported the
representations of the young Association which had
rushed in where the more august body hesitated to tread.
All was now plain sailing. Lord Melbourne decided
on the despatch of an expedition, the Lords of the Ad-
miralty set apart two ships well suited for the purpose, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer supplied ample funds, the
Royal Society appointed a Committee on Meteorology
THE VICTORIAN ERA
191
and Physics which drew up an admirable programme of
scientific work, and before the American expedition had
reached the southern ice, though after D'Urville had
completed his appointed exploration in the Antarctic re-
gions, the British expedition was being fitted out.
The complete scheme sanctioned by Government in-
cluded the establishment of magnetic observatories at
Toronto, St. Helena, the Cape of Good Hope and Hobart
Town, which were to remain in activity during the period
of the Antarctic cruise so as to obtain simultaneous obser-
vations over a large part of the southern hemisphere. The
scheme was thought out completely and full instructions
drafted by the hearty cooperation of the whole scientific
world. The British expedition differed from the others
already in the field by the singleness of its aim and the
perfect adaptation of the means employed to secure the
ends intended. No doubt the rivalry between the three
expeditions made each the keener in its work; but un-
fortunately it went too far to be altogether beneficial from
the point of view of the advancement of science. Had
the three great expeditions of France, the United States
and Great Britain been arranged to act simultaneously
and in concert, with similar equipment and according to
a 'common plan, the results would unquestionably have
been far greater than those wrhich were actually obtained.
There would also have been less room for the unfortu-
nate criticism by each commander of the action of his
contemporaries and their predecessors, a criticism which
degenerated into personal charges of professional incom-
petence of a very painful kind, and somewhat obscured
the substantial gains to human knowledge contributed by
the various expeditions.
To make it clear how the four expeditions were en-
i9z SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
gaged the dates between which each was in the field may
be set down in the form of a diagram, reference to which
is advisable when reading the narrative of each cruise.
The diagram gives a vertical line for each month of
the six years, and a double horizontal line is drawn for
each expedition across the months occupied by the cruise
from the date of leaving the home port to that of return-
ing. The time spent in the Antarctic regions is distin-
guished by solid black. It will be observed that the
French expedition was in Antarctic waters in 1837-38
and again in 1839-40; the American expedition in 1838-
39 and 1839-40; Balleny’s private voyage took place in
1838-39 ; and the British expedition spent the three south-
ern summers 1840-41, 1841-42 and 1842-43 in active polar
work.
All three expeditions owed much to the revival in the
study of Nature which affected all lands alike ; but each
had its own special characteristics, depending largely on
the individuality of the commander. Thus each must be
described separately and it may be that in touching on
the points of contact — points unfortunately that caused a
good deal of friction — some repetition of facts will arise.
Each expedition gave occasion to numerous feats of en-
durance, each abounded in hairbreadth escapes and in
opportunities for the display of consummate seamanship,
and although success did not smile equally upon the three
it is matter for congratulation that none met with disaster
but every one achieved something for the honour of its
flag.
Synoptic Diagram of the Early Victorian Expeditions.
Note. — Each vertical column represents a month ; the horizontal bands show the duration of the expeditions by the
number of months they run through ; the time spent south of 6o° S. is indicated in solid black.
[ To face p. 192.
CHAPTER X
DUMONT D’URVILLE AND THE FRENCH DASHES TOWARD
THE SOUTH POLE
“ . . . And as a lance
The fiery eyes of France
Touched the world’s sleep, and as a sleep made pass
Forth of men’s heavier ears and eyes
Smitten with fire and thunder from new skies.”
— Swinburne.
AT the beginning of the nineteenth century the British
flag was less known on the Pacific and in the South-
ern Ocean than the flags of the United States and France.
The extraordinary value placed upon whale oil at that
period sent fleets of whalers to all parts of the ocean ; but
British enterprise had marked the Arctic seas for its own
and comparatively few ships were engaged in the lengthy
voyages of the sperm whaler. This work employed many
French vessels and voyages of three or more years in
duration were common from the whaling ports of France.
It was the custom of the French Ministry of Marine to
send a frigate on a tour of the world to visit the whale-
men at their headquarters on the various desolate islands
in the south temperate zone, bringing them supplies,
furnishing medical advice, punishing delinquents, hunting
up shipwrecked mariners and in every possible way re-
minding the wanderers that they were citizens of the re-
public, or subjects of the empire or monarchy as the case
might be, and that wherever they wandered they belonged
to France and were not forgotten by the fatherland. In
this way the countrymen of De Gonneville, Bouvet,
*93 13
j94 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Marion and Kerguelen preserved the historic continuity
of French interests in the southern hemisphere. And not
in this way alone. More than one great expedition for
scientific exploration of the Pacific Ocean was fitted out
in France, a country which always — even when the worst
passions were raised against his land — cherished a de-
voted admiration for the work of James Cook such as
one nation rarely extends to the subject of another.
The expedition of La Perouse in 1785-88 and the mys-
tery which enshrouded its fate increased the interest of
the French people in the Pacific to a pitch not now
easy to realise, and the successive search expeditions of
Bougainville and d’Entrecasteaux kept that interest alive
for many years.
Amongst French naval officers of that period the glam-
our of the Great Ocean seemed to dominate the life of
one in a preeminent degree, and indirectly led to an im-
portant step in Antarctic exploration. At the age of six-
teen Jules Sebastien Cesar Dumont D’Urville after failing
to enter the Polytechnic, joined the navy. From child-
hood he had been devoted to the study of travels and
especially of voyages of exploration, and he rapidly dis-
tinguished himself by his remarkable powers as a lin-
guist, and his enthusiastic interest in various branches of
science, especially ethnology. He was destined to touch
history in several points curiously remote, but all em-
braced in the duties or opportunities of a naval officer.
When engaged with the fleet in the eastern Mediterran-
ean in 1820 the French consul in the island of Melos took
him to see an old Greek statue recently unearthed, and
Dumont D’Urville wrote home in terms of such rapturous
appreciation of its beauty that an order was sent to secure
the statue for the Louvre at any cost. To the majority of
Admiral Dumont D’Urville.
(From D’Urville’s Atlas.)
[To face /. 194.
DUMONT D’URVILLE
195
cultured mankind the discovery of the Venus de Milo will
probably be held the crowning glory of a life ; from the
point of view of this volume we can refer to it merely as
a picturesque incident.
Returning to Paris in 1821 D’Urville joined with Du-
perry and others in founding the Paris Geographical So-
ciety, now the oldest association of the kind and always
one of the most active in promoting the science of the
Earth. The two naval officers drew up plans for a sci-
entific voyage of circumnavigation which were approved
and they were appointed to carry it out on board the
Coquille, on which service D’Urville was at sea from 1822
to 1825. He was not altogether satisfied with the result.
He considered that some branches of science in which
he was particularly interested had been unduly neglected
and he planned another expedition to the islands of the
Pacific by which this wrong would be redressed. This also
was approved, but the Ministry of Marine imposed upon
it the additional duty of seeking out the recently reported
traces of the ships of La Perouse. The Coquille was
again placed under D’Urville’s command but at his urgent
request she was rechristened Astrolabe in memory of one
of La Perouse’s vessels. For three years, 1826 to 1829, Du-
mont D’Urville was at sea on this great mission in which
he was entirely successful, discovering the wreck of La
Perouse’s ship and recovering many relics of the explorer.
On his return he settled down to prepare the description
of the voyage, a work extending to twenty volumes.
When deep in the congenial task he was rudely inter-
rupted by the revolution of 1830 and had to perform the
ungrateful duty of escorting King Charles X. from
France. By a strange coincidence D’Urville had been
an officer on the ship which brought the Orleans family
1 96 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
back to France on the fall of Napoleon. And so he sped
the parting King on his way to the dignified seclusion of
Holyrood, where the banished monarch lived some years
in the historic palace of those Stewarts whose exile in
France had been brightened by the hospitality of his an-
cestors. D’Urville executed his mission in a manner
which gave rise to much unpleasant criticism from the
parties both of the old King and the new. The captain
was not a diplomatist; his nature was acknowledged by
his friends to be brusque and morose, though lit by a
southern enthusiasm that laughed at real difficulties.
From whatever cause there now intervened a period
of eclipse if not of disgrace. The seafarer retired in
1835 to Toulon where he brooded over his plans for com-
pleting the gigantic task of studying the ethnology of
the Pacific Islands and fell into such poor circumstances
that he was compelled even to stop his subscription to
the Geographical Society. The Society chivalrously de-
clined to lose so distinguished a member and placed him
on the honorary list.
The Ministry of Marine no longer favoured voyages
of discovery and the explorer who had spent his life
afloat felt himself stranded and deserted. A change oc-
curring in the government Admiral Rosamel became Min-
ister of Marine and D’Urville hearing a good report of
his character and disposition resolved to make another at-
tempt to carry out his favourite scheme of an anthropo-
logical expedition to study the Pacific Islands ; “ I have
the vanity/’ he said, “ to believe that few men to-day
know Oceania as I do,” and in this he was right.
The proposal was well received at the Marine and the
plans prepared by D’Urville were submitted to King Louis
Philippe in due course. We have D’Urville’s word for
DUMONT D’URVILLE
197
it that the King himself proposed an important preliminary
operation, nothing less than a trip into the Antarctic seas
to surpass the record of Weddell toward the South
Pole. How far this was a whim of the Citizen-King
we cannot tell; but it seems more likely to have been
the plan of some official personage or man of science
prudently presented through His Majesty. Baron Hum-
boldt was frequently at the court of Louis Philippe
throughout his reign and is known to have been on terms
of personal intimacy with the French King, so that it
seems highly probable that the author of the letter to the
Duke of Sussex urging the British Government to es-
tablish magnetic stations, was also responsible for the ad-
dition to D’Urville’s plan. The additional commission
was accepted by D’Urville without enthusiasm, tie was
not at all sanguine as to the result of an Antarctic cruise
and in an address to the Paris Geographical Society in
1837 he said :
“ If the enterprise is bold and perhaps impracticable
for certain spirits, it is at least honourable to attempt it,
and whatever be the result it must at least give occasion
for interesting observations.”
By this time the fact that an American expedition was
nearly ready to set out was known to D’Urville, and at
the same meeting of the Paris Geographical Society at
which he announced his own plans he presented a full
translation of the letter of A. Z. to the President and
Council of the Royal Geographical Society of London
which curiously enough is now only accessible in this
form, the original publication having been only by a
privately-distributed pamphlet.
No serious steps were taken to fit the two vessels set
apart for the service to navigate an ice-infested sea.
198 siege of the south pole
Some attempt to plate the bows with metal is recorded
but it proved ineffectual and the whole plan of a man-of-
war of the period with the sides pierced by great square
ports for guns was unfavourable for navigation with any
degree of comfort in high latitudes. The ships were two
corvettes, the Astrolabe, of which D’Urville once more
took command and the Zelee, under the command of
Captain Jacquinot. The Paris Academy of Sciences
gave elaborate instructions as to the scientific observa-
tions which it was most important to make through-
out the voyage and especially in the far south ; but it
was evident that the sympathy of the commander was
with the human rather than the physical group of sciences,
and that the honour of France was the leading motive that
led him to struggle with the polar ice. His health was
not good, indeed he was a martyr to gout ; and he himself
told with infinite humour how on the first occasion when
he hobbled down to his ship as she lay in harbour he over-
heard a sailor remark : “ Oh, that old chappie won’t lead
us very far,”* and how he grimly resolved to lead his
crew a great deal farther than any of them would care
to go.
The ships sailed from Toulon on September 7th,
1837 and made their way southward through the Atlantic
to Magellan Strait where they worked for some time at
the survey of that miserable channel, the despair of every
sailor who shunned the Scylla of Cape Horn to fall into
its Charybdis. Early in January, 1838, D’Urville set out
for the south with the object of repeating Weddell’s fa-
mous voyage, and securing for France the glory of get-
ting still nearer to the pole. This service had been spe-
cially put before him by the King and the portion of the
* “ Oh ! ce bonhomme-la ne nous menera pas loin ! ”
DUMONT D’URVILLE
199
Antarctic region south of South America was the only
part which his instructions required him to explore.
There was little to chronicle until January 22nd, 1838,
when the ships reached the edge of the ice-pack in 63° 39*
S. and 440 47' W. Unfortunately the ice-pack was very
close, or perhaps appeared so to the inexperienced eyes
of the French officers; but at any rate the ships did not
penetrate the pack or approach within a considerable dis-
tance of the Antarctic circle between the meridians where
Weddell had made his farthest south. D’Urville was not
a little annoyed at this check; as he had failed, he began
to think that Weddell could not have succeeded, and he
made what old Dalrymple would have termed “ groundless
and illiberal imputations ” on the common honesty of the
daring sealer. The Astrolabe and Zelee hovered about
the region for nearly two months, now and again find-
ing their way northward to the South Orkney Islands,
now and again returning to the edge of the pack, once
indeed being surrounded by ice and getting free with diffi-
culty, experiencing the usual miserable weather of those
latitudes and making a great number of minute and often
interesting observations on the appearance and move-
ments of the ice. An artist of real talent was amongst
the staff and his drawings of the icebergs and floes
splendidly reproduced in the volumes describing the
cruise are remarkably faithful and beautiful.
On February 27th, 1838, when to the southwest of the
South Shetlands the ships sighted land in 63° S., unques-
tionably part of the same land that had been seen by Pal-
mer and Biscoe although on account of the frequent fogs,
the general uncertainty of all determinations of position
in polar regions and the sketchy nature of the charts in
his possession D’Urville cannot altogether be blamed for
200 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
supposing that it was a new discovery. However, his own
account of the subsequent examination of the coast shows
a lack of enterprise which cannot but be deplored. The
land was followed toward the northwest and found to
consist of two mountainous snow-covered islands. The
larger, which was dutifully named Louis Philippe Land,
appeared to be separated from the Trinity or Palmer Land
of the charts by a strait called Orleans Channel which
was seen but not navigated as the season was now far
advanced, although as far as can be gathered from the
narrative it was by no means blocked by ice. The two
highest mountains were named after the tw’O captains of
the French expedition, and another after Bransfield the
first navigator of the channel between the South Shet-
lands and Louis Philippe Land. The smaller island to
the northwest was named Joinville Land; but no land
exploration was undertaken nor collections of any kind
procured from the shore.
On March 5th the season for southern navigation was
so nearly over that D'Urville felt fully justified in leaving
the icy waters and pursuing the main object of his expe-
dition in the Pacific Ocean. There in much more con-
genial surroundings he spent the greater part of two years
and gave a very good account of his time when so em-
ployed.
Before the end of his great voyage D’Urville resolved
once more to make an attempt to penetrate the Antarctic
ice. Lie took this task upon himself in excess of his
instructions, being led to do so in the virgin field south
of 6o° S. between 120° and 1600 E., by the probability of
finding the magnetic pole in that neighbourhood; and as
he frankly states in his official report, by the competition
of the expeditions of Ross and Wilkes directed to that par-
Thk u Astrolabe ” and “Zelke” in the Ice.
(From D’Urville’s Atlas.
[ To face fi. 900.
DUMONT D’URVILLE
201
ticular area. The last motive, there is little reason to
doubt, was the strongest of the three. Although appar-
ently fully informed as to Ross’s plans he says that he
had then no idea that Balleny had anticipated his in-
tended voyage. France, he thought, might still be in time
to share the laurels.
At the end of 1839 the Astrolabe and Zelee were lying
at Hobart Town and the Commodore formed his plan of
sailing southward and exploring some part of the region
between 120° and 160° E., where the parallel of 6o° S.
had not been crossed by Cook, Bellingshausen or Biscoe.
D’Urville declared in his published journal that his only
object was to find at what latitude the solid ice-pack was
to be encountered and then to cruise along the edge of it
returning to the Auckland Islands or some port in New
Zealand.
The corvettes sailed on January 1st, 1840, the day of the
death of M. Goupil, the artist, who died on shore where
a considerable number of the crew of both ships remained
in hospital. The vacancies were filled by English sailors
obtained with great difficulty and ready in the Commo-
dore’s opinion to desert at a moment’s notice. The course
was set S. E. in order to reach the magnetic meridian or
line of no variation and advance southward along that
line, for D’Urville was now filled with a burning desire
to advance the science of terrestrial magnetism. On the
nth, the fifty-first parallel was crossed close to the posi-
tion assigned in the charts to Royal Company Island of
which no sign was seen, and about this time the alba-
trosses which had convoyed the ships from Hobart Town
ceased to follow.
The first ice was met on the 16th in 6o° S., and two
days later in 64° the Commodore, struck with the clearness
202 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
of the sea, was gratifying himself with the anticipation
of reaching the seventieth parallel without obstruction
when a number of ice-islands appeared and brought with
them a foreboding that land would be found to bar the
way. The ice-islands were large, tabular, with unbroken
edges showing no marks of erosion by sea-water but as
fresh as if only broken off yesterday from some ice-
covered land. Petrels, penguins, seals and a whale were
observed, all hailed as signs of land. The weather had
turned fine, the sun shining with dazzling brilliancy on
the crystal walls of a fleet of ice-islands produced magical
and charming effects, and there was not a man on the sick
list in either ship when the corvettes crossed the sixty-
sixth parallel on January 20th and the crews prepared to
celebrate the passing of the circle in proper style. Cap-
tain Dumont D'Urville had received a formal notice that
Father Antarctic would visit him next day, and like a good
fellow had replied that he would be the first to submit to
any initiation ceremonies. A postillion mounted on a
seal received the welcome answer amid a deluge of rice
and beans in place of the “ ablutions which are only sup-
portable under the torrid zone ” usual on crossing the
line. However the night brought an event more remark-
able than the preparations for the frivolities of the men,
nothing less than the discovery of land. The officers
thought several times during the day that they saw an
appearance of land more substantial than those which
had often deceived them for a time, but at 10.50 p. m.,
when the sun at length touched the southern horizon it
showed up an unmistakable sharp outline on which the
attention of everyone on board was riveted.
Next day the weather was magnificent, but there was
no wind and the two ships lay with flapping canvas pow-
IN
O
<N
<
D’Urville’s Expedition amongst the Ice Islands.
DUMONT D’URVILLE
203
erless to move though the sea was clear, dotted only by
ice-islands harmlessly drifting toward them across the
unattainable circle. D’Urville suffered the tortures of Tan-
talus, he says, for the land stretched as far as the eye could
reach to the southeast and the northwest with an apparent
altitude of from 3000 to 4000 feet ; no prominent summit
broke the uniformity of the sky-line, no trace of earth
or rock was visible and the shore was an unbroken ver-
tical cliff of ice so like that of the floating ice-islands
that no one on board could for a moment doubt that the
bergs were simply broken off from the land ice. So clear
was the atmosphere that the snow covering the gently
receding slopes of the ice-covered land was seen to be
thrown into waves like those formed by the wind in desert
sand.
Father Antarctic evidently got tired of waiting for the
corvettes to enter his domain; and during the idle calm
of the forenoon he appeared on board in all his pomp sur-
rounded by a retinue of penguins and seals, while a swarm
of sea-birds flew screaming round the becalmed ships. A
mock religious ceremony was held, including a blasphe-
mous sermon which would have horrified the commanders
of the other expeditions had they known of it, and termi-
nating in a banquet where wine flowed freely and the ships
resounded with mirth, but everything “ passed off per-
fectly well and there was not the least disorder.” Every
officer and man having paid his footing the portals of the
Antarctic were thrown open ; and with the rising sun of
January 21st “ a pretty little breeze ” conducted the ships
along the newly discovered coast through an avenue of
“ those palaces of crystal and diamonds so common in
fairy tales.” The rare days of perfect weather in the far
south were never before so fully appreciated or so vividly
204 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
described as by the impressionable French commodore,
his official report being even more picturesque in its de-
scriptive colouring than the more popular account of the
voyage edited by other hands.
The ships, wafted by a light breeze, steered east-
ward along the coast which was only five or six miles
distant, the sailors shouting at their best in reply to the
hoarse cries of the startled penguins. At noon a good
observation gave the position as 66° 30' S. and 138° 21' E.
The dipping needle showed an inclination of 86° and the
compasses were moving wildly, no two agreeing together.
It seemed as if the magnetic pole lay no great distance
inland from the coast which ran from east to west along
the Antarctic circle. The fairy palaces of floating ice
sometimes came inconveniently near, and the ships
seemed to be threading the narrow streets of a city of
giants. The orders of the officers were echoed and re-
echoed mockingly by the vertical walls of ice, the sea
rushed roaring into the ice-caves along the water-line
setting up eddies that would have seriously menaced
the vessels had the breeze dropped. The steady heat of
the sun was melting the snow on the flat tops of the
bergs and cascades of water poured down their sides.
One floating berg was dark-coloured as if -mixed with
earth.
The magnetic observers were impatient to land while
the fine weather lasted either on the coast itself or on
an ice island, and at last at 6 p. m. a berg was noticed
sloping gently to the water’s edge to which MM. Dumou-
lin and Coupvent with their apparatus were safely con-
veyed in the whaleboat. They reported that the bergs
were all afloat and the instruments showed that they were
subject to a very perceptible drift. This proved that the
DUMONT D’URVILLE 205
sea was of considerable depth but soundings beyond
100 fathoms could not be taken from the corvettes be-
cause “ unfortunately all our sounding lines were almost
useless.” While the corvettes were laying-to waiting for
the return of the magnetic party and testing the useless
sounding lines, the officer of the watch on the Astrolabe,
M. Duroch, caught sight of unmistakable rocks on the
shore. A second boat was got out under his command
and the Zelee not to be behindhand sent a boat also under
M. Dubouzet. The two crews pulled hard for the honour
of being the first to reach the land and an exciting race
was the result. The Astrolabe's boat had a good start
and reached the nearest islet a few minutes before the
other. The islet was one of a group of eight or ten ly-
ing in a chain a few hundred yards off the ice-cliffs of
the coast. There was a considerable surf breaking on it,
but the men succeeded in landing and made prisoners of
the previous inhabitants, a troop of non-resisting pen-
guins. Following the ancient custom “ faithfully kept
up by the English” the tricolour flag was run up and
the land formally annexed to France; a bottle of Bor-
deaux was emptied in honour of the great occasion and
then all hands were set to work to collect scientific speci-
mens. The 'animal kingdom was represented only by the
penguins not a shell of any kind was to be found on the
rocks, not even a trace of lichen could be discovered and
a diligent search revealed only one dry seaweed that had
probably been carried by birds. The only thing to be
found was the rock itself and pieces of that were soon
knocked off as specimens. It was noticed that fragments
of stone obtained from the crops of penguins killed the
day before were of exactly the same kind of rock ( D Ur-
ville calls it a granite of various colours) as that which
206 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
composed the islet, and this suggested the utilisation of
birds in such conditions as geological collectors.
At 9.30 p. m. the boats left the islet and got safely on
board the corvettes two hours later, the sinking of the
sun bringing on a very cold night with a temperature
of 24 0 F., which sheathed the oars and the outsides of
the boats with ice. The first cape seen on the icy coast
was named Cap de la Decouverte, that near the landing
place Pointe Geologie, and the land as a whole was
named Terre Adelie, as the gallant but garrulous leader
puts it in his official report : “ This name is destined
to perpetuate the memory of my profound regard for
the devoted companion who has three times consented
to a long and painful separation in order to allow me
to accomplish my plans for distant explorations. These
thoughts alone have urged me on in my naval career since
my most tender childhood. On my part, then, this is
merely an act of justice, a sort of duty which I perform,
from which no one could possibly withhold his approba-
tion.”
For two days the ships slowly proceeded to the east-
ward along the land to which closer observation now
enabled the more reasonable height of 1500 feet to be
assigned as a maximum. In 135 0 30' E. the edge of the
pack was found running from south to north barring
the way to any further eastward advance, and on the
24th, as the ships were working their way northward
between the drifting bergs, they were struck by a sudden
gale and separated. The Astrolabe had her mainsail
torn to ribbons and there was the greatest anxiety for
the safety of her masts, but both corvettes weathered the
storm, escaped collision with the bergs, and met again
next day, though more damage had been done to their
Hoisting the French Flag on Adelle Land.
DUMONT D'URVILLE 207
rigging in twelve hours than in the previous six months.
The ships went north to nearly 64° S. to clear the ice, and
then, on the 28th, once more turned southwestward, and
on the 29th, nearly in 65° S., a solid pack was again seen
to the south. The weather was still bad, the wind blew
strong from the east, and frequent fogs made navigation
amongst the ice very difficult.
In the afternoon when in about 65° S. and 135° E. just
as the Astrolabe was going to set more sail to clear a berg,
which loomed up out of the fog, a strange sail was sighted
running towards the French vessels. She was a brig flying
the American colours and D’Urville immediately realised
that she was one of Wilkes’s squadron, bound on a similar
service to his own. The tricolour was hoisted at once,
the order to make more sail delayed to allow the stranger
to come up with the Astrolabe ; then as the American brig
was moving so quickly through the water the delayed
order was given and the Astrolabe shot forwaid in order
says D’Urville, to keep up with her and have a longer
time for speaking; but the American evidently thought
the Frenchman was trying to run away, and turning
sharply southward was lost in the fog without exchang-
ing signals. D’Urville does not mention this episode in
his official report, but in the account of the voyage he
explains how the misunderstanding arose, declaring that
he wished nothing so much as to compare notes with the
other expedition and give it full information as to the
discoveries of the French ships. But, nettled by the report
of Wilkes’s comments on the encounter, he goes on to say
that while his own conduct was always actuated by per-
fect frankness towards other explorers, the Americans
were always very reserved as to their doings and kept
their discoveries a profound secret. 1 his, as we shall see,
208 siege of the south pole
was not really the fact, although Wilkes’s instructions
actually enjoined such secrecy upon him; and no doubt
both commanders were far better fellows than either sup-
posed the other to be.
In 1310 E. and 64° 30' S. a solid wall of ice was seen
to the southward and all day on January 30th the ships
sailed along a coast similar to that of Adelie Land. From
a distance of three or four miles it was seen to be a
line of vertical ice-cliffs from 120 to 130 feet high. A
sounding was taken with 200 fathoms of line and no
bottom found. The ice-barrier was perfectly horizontal
on the top, showing no appearance of mountains behind
it nor of rocks in front; but judging from analogy with
Adelie Land D’Urville decided that so great a mass of
fixed ice must either envelope land, or a group of rocks,
or at least must rest on an extensive shoal lying off the
coast of a land existing farther to the south, and in this
belief he named it Cote Clarie after Madame Jacquinot.
Next day, the course having been followed to the
westward, the ships lost sight of the solid barrier and
were confronted by an ordinary ice-pack through which
there was no inducement to try to penetrate. A last
attempt was made to get magnetic observations on an
iceberg, but it was impossible to effect a landing. D’Ur-
ville felt that his task was now fulfilled. He was himself
in bad health and constant suffering, and though he be-
lieved that the greater part of the Antarctic circle was
surrounded by land which might be reached by anyone
bold and fortunate enough to penetrate the surrounding
ice-pack, he thought it would be cruelty to force his
exhausted crews to fresh exertions. At any rate they
had now learned that the “ old chappie ” was able to lead
them farther than they wished to go. So on February
DUMONT D'URVILLE
209
1st, 1840, the French flag retired from the South Polar
Seas and the part played by France in the long history of
the Antarctic came to an end for the nineteenth century.
D'Urville was led to make his second dash to the south
by the hope of anticipating the labours of Ross, and as
Ross did not care to visit those parts after the French
and American expeditions had cruised through them,
the resolution of the French captain quite possibly led to
the postponement rather than the advancement of dis-
covery; since one expedition under an experienced ice-
navigator with specially fortified ships and selected
crews could certainly do more than two or any number of
expeditions in ill-found vessels manned by inexperienced
and enfeebled men.
D'Urville’s discoveries of land were of but little ac-
count. He twice traced out considerable stretches of a
solid barrier of ice, and at one point saw and landed upon
rocks in front of it; but he could only give the vaguest
account of what lay behind the barrier. Perhaps the best
part of the work of the Astrolabe and Zelee in the far
South is the vivid and fascinating description of Ant-
arctic scenery, and the splendid illustrations which ac-
companied the volumes describing the expedition.
The French expedition continued its researches in
the Pacific where the commander was at home, an enthu-
siast riding his hobby to his own infinite satisfaction and
to the advancement of the science of geography. The
ships were back in France early in November, 1840, and
D’Urville at once set himself to the task of editing the
record of the cruise. He was promoted Rear-Admiral
and appointed President of the Council of the Paris
Geographical Society in December, 1841, an honour
which much gratified him.
14
2io SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
On May 8th, 1842, he yielded very reluctantly to the
entreaties of his wife and son to leave his work and
take a little holiday to see the fountains playing at Ver-
sailles. As the party was returning an accident hap-
pened, the train caught fire and all three lost their lives,
the charred remains being identified with the utmost
difficulty. It was remembered that half a century before
while an infant Dumont D’Urville had fallen into the
fire and been rescued not a moment too soon, a tragic
coincidence that caught the public fancy for a moment.
CHAPTER XI
CHARLES WILKES AND THE UNITED STATES EXPLORING
EXPEDITION
“ There was a Door to which I found no Key,
There was a Veil past which I could not see;
Some little Talk awhile of Me and Thee
There seemed — and then no more of Thee and Me.”
HE name of John N. Reynolds has already been
mentioned as a warm advocate for American ex-
ploration in the Antarctic seas. Before the “ infant expe-
dition ” on the Seraph and Annawan in 1829-30, he had
urged the dispatch of national exploring ships for the
survey of the routes of whalers in the Pacific and for dis-
covery in the far south. Congress had considered the
matter in 1828, and the House of Representatives re-
quested the President to send out such an expedition. The
Secretary of the Navy for the time being adopted the
scheme too soon, appointed the U. S. ship Peacock for
the service and advised the selection of a scientific staff
and the purchase of a second vessel and the necessary
instruments. He informed the House that the object of
the expedition was to examine islands and coasts, both
known and unknown, as far south as circumstances,
safety and prudence would permit ; and he asked for more
money. The Senate, displeased at the Secretary of the
Navy acting on a resolution of the House alone in a
matter which had not come before the more august assem-
■Omar Khayyam.
211
2i2 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
bly, only sanctioned a small expedition for surveying
work in the Pacific.
Reynolds made a cruise in the Pacific, circumnavi-
gated the globe and returned more determined than ever
to obtain an expedition on an adequate scale for mari-
time exploration under the American flag, though on find-
ing the greatest opposition shown to the part of the
scheme relating to south polar research he laid more
stress on the exploration of the Pacific. The practical
importance of this appealed to the popular mind for one-
tenth of the American merchant tonnage was embarked
in whaling ventures and trade with China on those seas.
The importance of having competent scientific men to
take advantage of the opportunities for research likely
to be afforded by such a voyage, led the organisers of the
expedition to provide liberally for such a staff, on which
Reynolds of course expected to have a leading place.
This part of the plan was naturally distasteful to the
Navy Department, which was by no means sympathetic
with the expedition as a whole and adopted the instinc-
tive attitude of the fighting man toward the mere
civilian. Unable to prevent the nomination of a scientific
staff the Department could at least balk the one enthusiast
of the opportunity for which he had worked so long, and
“ for the sake of harmony ” Reynolds was not allowed
to go.
The Act of Congress authorising an American Ex-
ploring Expedition was at. last passed on May 18th,
1836. A squadron was set apart for the service and
Captain Ap Catesby Jones, U. S. N., appointed to com-
mand it. Lieutenant Charles Wilkes, an American officer
of English parentage was dispatched to Europe to
consult with scientific men there and to make pur-
CHARLES WILKES
213
chases of the necessary instruments for the expedition.
In his absence troubles thickened round the promoters
of the expedition, which it is now unnecessary even if
it were possible to particularise. On his return Wilkes
found that he was expected to act as a member of the
scientfic corps and not as an executive officer. This he
felt, he could not do with honour to himself and he
gave up all connection with the expedition, betaking him-
self to marine surveying.
The Navy Department, while compelled by the Act of
Congress to equip the expedition, did so without any
heart for the work. The friends of Mr. Reynolds felt
that they had a serious grievance, nor did they hesitate
to say so, and for two years things went from bad to
worse. Jones threw up the command, the next two
officers to whom it was offered declined or were unable
to accept it. Captain Gregory who got the next offer
refused to have anything to do with it as he was a friend
of Reynolds and resented the treatment that gentleman
had received.
All this time supplies of all sorts were being accumu-
lated without supervision, the ships appointed for the
service were surveyed and overhauled in a perfunctory
manner, and although the learned societies of the United
States, especially the Philosophical Society of Philadel-
phia, formulated plans for scientific work, there was no
one to see that the arrangements necessary for their
accomplishment were made.
Discontent had already taken root amongst the idle
crews, tired with the long delay. The public were dis-
gusted with the procrastination and vacillation of the
authorities and the expedition was denounced as an utter
failure before ever it started. At last on March 20th,
214 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
1838, the Secretary of the Navy, passing over several
senior officers, gave orders to Lieutenant Charles Wilkes,
then forty years of age, to undertake the command and
reorganise the whole expedition. Wilkes was much
surprised at the appointment, but, after insisting that it
should first be offered to all the officers above him in the
service he accepted the task, well-knowing that it was be-
set with more than ordinary difficulties. A month later
he was informed that the squadron assigned to him would
consist of the sloops of war Vincennes and Peacock, the
brig Porpoise and the store-ship Relief, the last being
the only vessel of the larger squadron originally intended
for the purpose, and although new a very slow ship.
Two pilotboats, the Sea Gull and the Flying Fish were
subsequently added.
The official orders describing the scope and aims of
the expedition were dated August nth, 1838, and signed
by J. K. Paulding of the Navy Department. The fol-
lowing quotations from this document are necessary in
order to understand the real object of the expedition and
to show how far the ships were intended to work in the
polar seas.
“ The Congress of the United States, having in view
the important interests of our commerce embarked in
the whale-fisheries, and other adventures in the great
Southern Ocean, by an Act of the 18th of May, 1836,
authorized an Expedition to be fitted out for the purpose
of exploring and surveying that sea, as well to deter-
mine the existence of all doubtful islands and shoals,
as to discover and accurately fix the position of those
which lie in or near the track of our vessels in that
quarter, and may have escaped the observation of scien-
tific navigators. . . You will accordingly take your
Lieutenant Charles Wilkes, U.S.N.,
Commanding the United States Exploring Expedition.
(From the Narrative of the Expedition.)
I To /ace p. >14.
CHARLES WILKES
215
departure from Norfolk, and shape your course to Rio
Janeiro, . . . determine the longitude of that place,
as well as of Cape Frio; after which you will either de-
tach a vessel or proceed with your whole squadron, to
make a particular examination of Rio Negro. . . .
Having completed this survey, you will proceed to a
safe port or ports in Terra del Fuego, where the mem-
bers of the Scientific Corps may have favorable oppor-
tunities of prosecuting their researches. Leaving the
larger vessels securely moored and the officers and
crews occupied in their respective duties, you will proceed
with the brig Porpoise, and the tenders, to explore the
Southern Antarctic, to the southward of Powell’s Group,
and between it and Sandwich Land, following the track
of Weddell as closely as practicable, and endeavoring to
reach a high southern latitude ; taking care, however, not
to be obliged to pass the winter there, and to rejoin the
other vessels between the middle of February and be-
ginning of March. The attention of the officers left at
Terra del Fuego, will, in the meantime, be specially
directed to making such accurate and particular exam-
inations and surveys of the bays, ports, inlets, and
sounds in that region as may verify or extend those of
Captain King. . . .
“ You will then on rejoining the vessels at Terra del
Fuego, with all your squadron, stretch towards the
southward and westward as far as the Ne Plus Ultra
of Cook, or longitude 105° W., and return northward to
Valparaiso. . . . Proceeding once more from that
port, you will direct your course to the Navigator’s
Group, keeping to the southward of the place of depart-
ure, in order to verify, if possible, the existence of cer-
tain islands and shoals, laid down in the charts as doubt-
2 1 6 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
ful, and if they exist, to determine their precise position,
as well as that of all others which may be discovered
in this unfrequented track. When you arrive in those
latitudes where discoveries may be reasonably antici-
pated, you will so dispose your vessels as that they shall
sweep the broadest expanse of the ocean that may be
practicable, without danger of parting company, lying-to
at night in order to avoid the chance of passing any
small island or shoal without detection. . . . From
the Navigator's Group, you will proceed to the Feejee
Islands. . . . These objects will, it is presumed,
occupy you until the latter end of October; and when
attained as far as may be possible, you will proceed to
the port of Sydney, where adequate supplies may be
obtained. From thence you will make a second attempt to
penetrate within the Antarctic region, south of Van Die-
men's Land, and as far west as longitude 45 0 E., or to
Enderby's Land, making your rendezvous on your return
at Kerguelen's Land, or the Isle of Desolation, as it is
now usually denominated, and where you will probably
arrive by the latter end of March, 1840.
“ From the Isle of Desolation you will proceed to the
Sandwich Islands, by such route as you may judge best,
from the information you may acquire from such
sources as fall in your way. . . . Thence you will
direct your course to the Northwest Coast of America.
. . . You will then proceed to the coast of Japan,
taking in your route as many doubtful islands as possi-
ble; and you have permission to pass through the
Straits of Sangar into the Sea of Japan, where you may
spend as much time as is compatible with your arrival
at the proper season in the Sea of Sooloo or Mindoro.
. . . Having completed this survey, you will pro-
CHARLES WILKES 217
ceed to the Straits of Sunda, pass through the Straits of
Billiton, which you will examine, and thence to the port
of Singapore, where it is probable you may arrive about
the beginning of April, 1841. . . . Having com-
pleted this service, it is presumed the objects of your
enterprise will be accomplished, and you will accordingly,
after receiving your supplies at Singapore, return to the
United States by the Cape of Good Hope, taking such a
course as may be most likely to further the great pur-
poses of the expedition.”
The foregoing extract indicates the route to be pur-
sued and the general allocation of time. The trips into
the Antarctic regions were designed to be short sum-
mer cruises, and no preparations were accordingly made
for penetrating the pack-ice or for wintering in a high
latitude.
A large part of the instructions is devoted to hints
for the treatment of savages; the scientific staff of nine
civilians was selected with a view to studies in the
tropical and temperate zones, and as a matter of fact
they were not carried on the Antarctic cruise. The
hydrography and geography of the various seas and
countries were to be studied by the naval officers to
whom were entrusted all researches connected with
these departments as well as with astronomy, terres-
trial magnetism and meteorology. Wilkes insisted upon
this as one of the conditions of accepting the command.
Very stringent orders were given as to the com-
munication of the results of the expedition to outsiders.
“ You will prohibit all those under your command
from furnishing any persons not belonging to the Ex-
pedition with copies of any journal, charts, plan, memo-
randum, specimen, drawing, painting, or information
218 siege of the south pole
of any kind which has reference to the objects and
proceedings of the Expedition. . . . You will adopt
the most effective measures to prepare and preserve
all specimens of natural history that may be col-
lected, and should any opportunity occur for sending
home by a vessel of war of the United States copies
of information or duplicates of specimens . . .
you will avail yourself of the occasion ... at the
same time strictly prohibiting all communications ex-
cept to this Department, from any person attached to
the Expedition, referring to discoveries, or any circum-
stances connected with the progress of your enter-
prise.”
The services of Lieutenant Hudson as second in
command of the Expedition were only secured by the
express declaration on the part of the government that
the Expedition had no military character so that that
officer, could without transgressing naval etiquette
serve under Wilkes, who was his junior. The scien-
tific staff seems to have been frequently discontented,
the exclusion of Mr. Reynolds not appearing to have
secured the harmony that was expected. The cause
of the discontent was largely due to the fact that the
civilians were kept entirely in ignorance of the essential
objects of the expedition. Wilkes himself gives this
explanation. He scarcely conceals his contempt of civ-
ilian men of science, and he appears to have seen
nothing wrong in treating them like common sailors in
so important a particular. What possible harm could
result from the plans of a national expedition being
known to those who took part in it is difficult to imagine ;
the effect of secrecy should have been easy to foresee.
A hint as to other troubles which beset the kcom-
CHARLES WILKES
219
mander, and of the condition of the crews may be
obtained from the following conspectus of the official
list of officers and men taking part in the expedition.
There were altogether 83 officers and 12 members
of the civilian staff including men of science and art-
ists. In addition to these the five ships sailed with a
total crew of 345 men of whom only 221 returned to
the United States with the expedition or were sent
home on vessels of the United States. Of the remain-
der 62 were discharged abroad, 47 deserted at various
ports and 15 died or were lost in the Sea Gull. To
take the place of the losses 240 men were engaged at
various ports and of these 80 deserted, 8 died, 26 were
discharged and 126 were brought back to the United
States so that the number at the end of the long voyage
was practically the same as at the beginning. That
there were 127 desertions out of 585 men engaged, or
22 per cent, of the ships’ companies, shows the service
to have been far from popular. Many of the officers
also were not devoted to their commander and some of
them were almost openly antagonistic to him.
Captain Wilkes pointed out before sailing that his
requisitions for many necessary stores had been totally
disregarded by the Navy Department, and that the ves-
sels had not been properly inspected or repaired before
being sent out. The alternatives before him were ex-
tremely difficult, either to resign, as the commanders
previously designated had done, to delay the expedi-
tion until the ships were properly overhauled and
equipped and thereby further exasperate public opinion
and increase the discontent of the crews, or finally to
sail and take the great and unnecessary risks put
upon him, in order to save the honour of his country.
220 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
He chose the last as the least objectionable course, and
he found it hard enough.
The squadron was hastily got ready for sea and
sailed on the date Wilkes had fixed shortly after his
appointment, August 18th, 1838. The ships were as
follows :
The Vincennes was a sloop-of-war of 780 tons, orig-
inally single-decked, but for the purpose of the cruise
a light upper deck was added thus increasing her ac-
commodation to that of a small frigate. This was the
flag-ship of the squadron under the command of Lieu-
tenant Wilkes. In addition to her officers she carried
six of the civilian scientific staff.
The Peacock was a sloop-of-war of 650 tons, built
ten years before and provided with an extra deck like
the Vincennes. She had been so carelessly overhauled
and so little prepared for a voyage involving exceptional
risks that Lieutenant William L. Hudson, who com-
manded her, reported officially a month after sailing:
laken as a whole, the Peacock has been fitted out
(so far as the navy-yard was concerned) with less regard
to safety and convenience than any vessel I ever had
anything to do with. 1 She carried four of the civilian
staff, including James D. Dana, the mineralogist. It
creates no surprise that she did not complete the voyage ;
she was wrecked on July 18, 1841, though fortunately
without loss of life.
The Porpoise, a gun-brig of 230 tons, had been
specially fitted with a forecastle and poop-deck for the
voyage. She was under the command of Lieutenant Cad-
walader Ringgold.
The Sea Gull was an old New York pilot-boat of no
tons, and served as a tender under the command of
CHARLES WILKES
221
Passed-Midshipman James W. E. Reid. She was lost
at an early period in the voyage, about the 1st of May,
1839, and all on board perished.
The tender, Flying Fish, was a similar craft, but still
smaller, only 96 tons. She was commanded by Mr.
Samuel R. Knox, and did not complete the cruise, having
been sold at Singapore.
The Relief was a store-ship which, although new, was
an unwieldy vessel, built only for carrying cargo. She
was commanded by Lieutenant A. K. Long and carried
two of the civilian staff. She was sent home early in
the cruise, having proved a drag on the other ships on
account of her slowness.
In command of such a squadron, with such a history,
Captain Wilkes set out on a beautiful day with a smooth
sea and light wind, but naturally enough a prey to dark
forebodings. He says :
“ It required all the hope I could muster to outweigh
the intense feeling of responsibility that hung over me.
I may compare it to that of one doomed to destruction.”
On February 17th, 1839, the squadron was united in
Orange Harbour, Nassau Bay, in the extreme south of
Tierra del Fuego. There the Vincennes was left at
anchor, the Relief was sent to Magellan Strait to carry out
surveys, and the other vessels sailed for the Antarctic
ice. Wilkes, himself, went in the Porpoise, accompanied
by the Sea Gull, under Lieutenant Johnson, to explore
the southeast side of Palmer Land, while the Peacock
and Flying Fish were dispatched to the westward as far
as the Ne Plus Ultra of Cook in 1060 W. Both parties
sailed on February 25th, the mind of the leader again
greatly depressed with the thought of the difficulties be-
fore him.
222 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
The Porpoise and Sea Gull encountered the first ice-
islands on March 1st, and later in the day sighted the
northern islands of the South Shetland group. The
weather for several days was so thick that it was im-
possible to attempt a landing. Smoke was seen issuing
from the sides of Bridgeman Island, and a strong sul-
phurous smell was noticed as the ships passed. On March
3rd, Wilkes fixed the position of “ the eastern extremity
of Palmer’s Land or Mount Hope ” in 63° 25' S., 5 70 55'
W., a position corresponding to that of the Mont d’Urville
of the French expedition, which had visited these waters
the year before, of whose proceedings Wilkes, of course,
could have had no information. The land was closely
beset by ice and the American ships were obliged to keep
clear of it. The weather continued abominable and the
conditions of life on board were wretched :
“ A strong gale now set in from the southward and
westward. The brig’s deck was covered with ice and
snow, and the weather became excessively damp and
cold. The men were suffering, not only from want of
sufficient room to accommodate the numbers in the
vessel, but from the inadequacy of the clothing with
which they had been supplied. Although purchased by
the government at great expense, it was found to be
entirely unworthy the service, and inferior in every
way to the samples exhibited. This was the case with
all the articles of this description that were provided
for the Expedition.”
The gale continuing, determined Wilkes to give up
all idea of keeping on to the southward and on March
5th, he ordered the Sea Gull to touch at Deception
Island and return to Orange Harbour ; while he
intended to visit the site of the phantom Aurora
CHARLES WILKES
223
Islands. However, incipient scurvy appeared amongst
the ill-clad and over-crowded crew so the Porpoise also
was headed for Orange Harbour, stopping only to make
some deep-sea observations on the way. One of these
experiments was made with a wire sounding-line, one
of the earliest instances of such an arrangement being
used, but it parted at 340 fathoms and the gear was
lost. After some adventures amongst the Fuegian
Islands, the Porpoise reentered Orange Harbour on
March 30th, where she found the Sea Gull had arrived
eight days before. Lieutenant Johnson had spent a
week at Deception Island, and had searched for, but
failed to find the minimum thermometer left there by
Captain Foster in 1829.*
The Peacock and Flying Fish left Orange Harbour
on February 25, 1839, with orders to proceed south-
westward to Cook's Ne Plus Ultra, the point where the
great navigator reached his most southerly latitude in
105° W., and then striking southward and eastward
they were to steer to the south of Bellingshausen’s
route, to pass southward of Peter I. Island and of Alex-
ander I. Land, and so return to Orange Harbour. The
achievement fell far short of the plan. The two vessels
lost sight of each other in a gale the very day after
they sailed, and the Peacock finding that it would waste
too much time to beat up to the various rendezvous
appointed for a meeting in case of separation, held
on her course and met the first icebergs in 63° 30' S.
in 8o° W. on March nth, and struggled through an
ice-encumbered sea (reaching almost as far as 98° W.
*The thermometer was found by a sealer, W. H. Smiley, in
1842, and the minimum temperature in the 13 years that it had
been exposed found to be — 5° F.
224 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
at one time) until on March 25th, she got as far as 68°
S. in 950 44' W. in bad weather and after constant
fogs. Here to the surprise of all on board a sail was
sighted and proved to be the tender Flying Fish. That
little schooner under Lieutenant Walker had been
much more successful than her larger consort. She
had faithfully carried out the instructions, had visited
each of the appointed rendezvous, and then proceeded
to 105° W., where on March 21, she was running south-
ward at 8 knots, approaching the seventieth parallel
and seemed certain to get beyond Cook’s farthest, when
ice appeared ahead and the way was barred in 70° S.
Next day Walker began to work his way back to the
north, and his official report so pithily described his
escape from being frozen in, that we quote it verbatim:
“ The weather grew thicker and intensely cold,
though the thermometer did not fall below 30° ; I
attributed these changes to the ice to windward, and,
believing that we were getting into a clear sea, I
stepped below to stick my toes in the stove. I had not
been below certainly five minutes when the look-out called
to me that the fog had lifted, and that we were sur-
rounded. I jumped on deck, and such was too truly
the case ; narrow fields of ice with narrow passages of
water between, and extending longitudinally in a direc-
tion perpendicular to the wind, formed a complete circle
round us stretching in all directions as far as the eye
could reach, and beyond, icebergs, packed and floating
ice. I did not know at first how I should proceed, but
after a careful look round, I ran over to the weather
shore of the pond, and stood along it in search of a pas-
sage that I could not find ; but, observing at intervals
* sutures ’ in the ice, where it did not appear firmly
CHARLES WILKES
225
formed, I resolved to take advantage of this, and if possi-
ble force a passage, feeling it necessary at all hazards to
extricate ourselves as soon as possible. Having the wind
free, I gave her the main-sheet, and manned it well, and
having got about six knots way on her, kept close to the
ice, and when at the proper distance, put the helm down,
hauled the main-sheet forcibly to windward and let fly
the head-sheets; this brought her round suddenly before
she had passed through sufficient water to deaden her
way ; the ice cracked, we slipped over, or brushed
through, and before eight o'clock we had got into a toler-
ably clear sea.”
When the two vessels met it was evident to both the
commanders that it was time to turn northward and Cap-
tain Hudson ordered this to be done, magniloquently
stating that it required more moral courage to bring his
mind to the decision than he could well describe as there
was less ice at the moment about them than usual and
personal ambition prompted another attempt to get a
high latitude.
The whole squadron made for Valparaiso Harbour,
where all except the unfortunate Sea Gull safely arrived
and proceeded on their cruise in the tropical Pacific in
the month of May.
At the end of November 1839 the Vincennes, Peacock,
Porpoise and Flying Fish reached Sydney Harbour, the
Relief having been sent back to the United States as use-
less for the purposes of the expedition. Here the natur-
alists were informed that they would not be required on
the second cruise to the Antarctic and advised to devote
themselves to the more profitable study of the natural
history of Australia and New Zealand.
Vessels worse adapted for the cruise now undertaken
15
226 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
would be difficult to find. The larger ships pierced for
guns with large square ports could hardly be kept dry
between decks in any breeze. The ports were not tight-
fitting and in the case of the Peacock the sheer-strake to
which they were hung and the bulwarks attached was so
rotten as to cause the greatest anxiety. All possible steps
were taken to keep the inside of the ships dry. All the
openings were caulked, and the seams covered with tarred
canvas over which sheet-lead was nailed. On starting
the ships' boats were filled with bread as there were not
bags enough to contain it all nor proper space in which
to stow it.
By this time particulars of the equipment of the British
Antarctic expedition had been received at Sydney and
the American ships were visited by numbers of the
citizens anxious to see what Antarctic equipment was like.
Wilkes describes the circumstance with a touch of the
grim humour that flickers now and then over the sternest
facts in his narrative.
“ All seemed disappointed at not being able to see the
same complete outfits in our vessels as they had seen de-
scribed in the published accounts of these of the English
expedition commanded by Captain James Ross. They
enquired whether we had compartments in our ships to
prevent us from sinking ? Plow we intended to keep our-
selves warm? What kind of antiscorbutic we were to
use? And where were our great ice-saws? To all of
these questions I was obliged to answer, to their great
apparent surprise, that we had none, and to agree with
them that we were unwise to attempt such service in
ordinary cruising vessels; but we had been ordered to go,
and that was enough ! and go we should. This want of
preparation certainly did not add to the character for
CHARLES WILKES
227
wisdom of our government, with this community ; but
they saw us all cheerful, young, and healthy, and gave
us the character, that I found our countrymen generally
bear, of recklessness of life and limb. The tender Flying
Fish excited their astonishment more than the ships,
from her smallness and peculiar rig; and, altogether,
as a gentleman told me, most of our visitors considered
us doomed to be frozen to death. I did not anticipate
such a fate, although I must confess I felt the chances
were much against us, in case we were compelled to
winter within the Antarctic. From every calculation,
we could not stow quite twelve months’ provision, even
upon short allowance; our fuel was inadequate to last
us more than seven months, and the means of protecting
ourselves in the ships for winter quarters, were anything
but sufficient. My mind naturally suffered a great deal
of anxiety on all these points, and I felt myself not a
little depressed by it, particularly when I considered the
state of the Peacock. . . .
“ We made up our minds that it was absolutely neces-
sary for the credit of the Expedition and the country for
her to perform it; for we were well satisfied that im-
proper imputations and motives would be ascribed to
us if she did not, and was detained undergoing repairs,
in a state of inactivity, during the season for operations
in the high southern latitudes. The necessity I felt of
subjecting so many lives in so unworthy a ship, caused
me great anxiety during the whole cruise.”
On December 26th, 1839, the day decided upon before
leaving home, the squadron sailed from Sydney. On
January 2nd, 1840, the little Flying Fish was lost sight
of in a fog and the opinion was general in the other
vessels that she had shared the fate that befell the Sea
228 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Gull off Cape Horn. Next day the Peacock dropped out
of sight, and as the current and wind were unfavourable,
Wilkes decided not to visit the first rendezvous at Mac-
quarie Island but to push on to the second, Emerald Isle,
or its supposed locality. Here neither ships nor island
were to be seen, and on the ioth, the first ice was met
with in 61° S. and 162° 30' E. Two days later the Por-
poise vanished from the flag-ship in a fog, and the Vin-
cennes pursued her way alone to the westward amongst
floating bergs along the edge of a close ice-pack in 64°.
On the 15th of January the Peacock and Porpoise
met, and on the 16th they came up with the Vincennes
in 1 570 46' E. longitude, but the latitude is not stated in
Wilkes’s narrative, though from his chart it is seen to be
about 66° S. The sea was much discoloured, but a
sounding with 230 fathoms of line from the Vincennes
failed to reach the bottom; the Peacock found a depth
of 850 fathoms close to the ice. On this day appearances
believed to be land were seen from all three ships, and
the fact was sworn to subsequently in court. Wilkes
Ringcold’s Knoll.
(From the Narrative of the U. S. Exploring Expedition.)
published the accompanying sketch, which he made of
what he himself saw and named Ringgold’s Knoll; but
it is not stated whether the sketch was made at the time
or from memory. He says :
CHARLES WILKES 229
“We ourselves anticipated no such discovery; the
indications of it were received with doubt and hesitation ;
I myself did not venture to record in my private journal
the certainty of land, until three days after those best
acquainted with its appearance in high latitudes were
assured of the fact ; and finally, to remove all possibility
of doubt, and to prove conclusively that there was no
deception in the case, views of the same land were
taken from the vessels in three different positions, with
the bearings of its peaks and promontories, by whose
intersection their position is nearly as well established
as the peaks of any of the islands we surveyed from
the sea.
“ All doubt in relation to the reality of our discovery
gradually wore away, and towards the close of the cruise
of the Vincennes along the icy barrier, the mountains of
the Antarctic Continent became familiar and of daily
appearance, insomuch that the log-book, which is
guardedly silent as to the time and date of its being first
observed, now speaks throughout of 1 the land.
Wilkes accordingly adopted January 16th as the date
of first discovery, although one of the charges subse-
quently brought against him and disproved, was that on
the 19th he stated that he had seen land, well knowing
that he had not done so. Unless the latter date was
considered of supreme importance it is difficult to imagine
how it could have been made the foundation of a charge,
even though that charge was proved to be absolutely
groundless. Lieutenant Ringgold of the Porpoise, also
stated that on January 13th, he was strongly impressed
with the belief of the close approach of land. It is quite
possible from his position that he caught the distant loom
of the Balleny Islands, the existence of which was un-
23o SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
known to the explorers, though they had been discovered
twelve months before. The question of priority was made
much of by Wilkes, not, indeed, in favour of Balleny,
but against D’Urville, who, as we have seen, unquestion-
ably discovered land in the same locality within a few
days of the Americans. As the land would have been
discovered in any case by one of the expeditions, even if
the other had not been in the field, the question is one of
purely personal, or at the highest, of national interest,
the controversy is of no scientific importance whatever.
The prior discovery by Wilkes or D’Urville in no way
reduces the credit due to both explorers, although the
nature of the new land was only ascertained by either in
a vague way.
On the night of the 16th the fog fell thick and the
Vincennes suddenly ran from a rough sea into smooth
water to the great alarm of the watch below, who,
awakened by the sudden stillness, knew that she had
come inside a line of ice. She was, in fact, embayed, and
it cost several hours of anxious navigation to work her
into the rough, open water again.
On the 17th the Peacock was ordered to proceed inde-
pendently, as the attempt to keep the ships in company
was retarding exploration. Both vessels held on their
way westward along the edge of the barrier of close
pack ice. On the 19th land v/as very distinctly seen,
both to the south-southeast and the southwest, the Vin-
cennes being then in 66° 20' S. and i54°3o'E. The
land appeared to rise to a height of about 3000 feet. At
night the unusual spectacle was seen of the sun and the
nearly full moon, both shining at the same time, the sun
“ illuminated the icebergs and distant continent with his
deep golden rays,” -while the moon “ tinged with silvery
CHARLES WILKES
231
light the clouds in its immediate neighbourhood.” The
continent was however more distant than the observers
thought, for subsequent voyages show that no land larger
than a small island can occupy the position assigned.
The course along the ice-barrier lay amongst huge
flat-topped perpendicular ice-islands, rising from 150 to
250 feet above the sea, and other bergs caverned, split
and carved in fantastic forms, the whole resembling a
huge city of ruined alabaster palaces with streets of water.
On the 22nd, while within sight of land, the Peacock got
soundings in 320 fathoms, a confirmation of the vicinity
of land, which was much appreciated. Two days later,
while attempting to work off the pack, the Peacock went
astern and drove backwards into the ice, damaging her
rudder so seriously that the ship became unmanageable,
all sail had to be furled and after much trouble she was
made fast to a berg with ice-anchors. For a time these
held, but the wind freshening, they were torn from their
hold and her port quarter was driven against an ice-
island with a tremendous crash. The rotten state of the
upper works of the ship prepared Hudson for the result :
“ The first effect of this blow was to carry away the
spanker-boom, the larboard stern-davit, and to crush the
stern-boat. The starboard stern-davit was the next to
receive the shock, and as this is connected with the spar-
deck bulwarks, the whole of them were started; the
knee, a rotten one, which bound the davit to the taffrail,
and with it all the stanchions to the plank-sheer as far as
the gangway.
“ Severe as was this shock it happened fortunately
that it was followed by as great a rebound. This gave
the vessel a cant to starboard, and by the timely aid of
the jib and other sails, carried her clear of the ice-island,
232 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
and forced her into a small opening. While doing this,
and before the vessel had moved half her length, an im-
pending mass of ice and snow fell in her wake. Had this
fallen only a few seconds earlier, it must have crushed
the vessel to atoms.”
For days the ship remained in the direst peril, labour-
ing frightfully in the trough of the heavy sea, grinding
and striking against the masses of ice, while her boats
made desperate efforts to plant the ice-anchors to control
The “Peacock” in Peril.
(From the Narrative of the U.S. Exploring Expedition.
CHARLES WILKES
233
her movements. The rudder had been brought on board
with difficulty and the carpenters were at work on it
trying to repair it sufficiently to allow it to be shipped;
Mr. Dibble, the carpenter, was on the sick-list, but he
rose from his bed and toiled with his mates for four and
twenty hours without intermission to accomplish the
herculean task. On the 25th the rudder was hung, though
in a very unsatisfactory state, and the ship was at last
worked out of the bay in the barrier in which she had so
nearly perished. She was in a deplorable condition. In
addition to the other damage, her stem was nearly
ground off by collisions with the ice. It would have
been madness to attempt more, and the only chance of
safety lay in an immediate retreat to the north by which,
if the elements were kind, she might reach Sydney. On
February 21st she arrived at that port with all well on
board, after a tempestuous and most anxious voyage.
Captain Hudson had shown himself a splendid sailor,
cool, resourceful, and never at a loss how to act in the
most trying emergencies ; and Wilkes gives him un-
stinted praise for his seamanship, courage, and devotion.
The Vincennes and Porpoise were left cruising west-
ward along the icy barrier. On January 22, 1840, the
Vincennes passed the place where the Peacock unfortu-
nately found an opening on the following day, and no
break in the line of the barrier was observed. The alter-
nate opening and closing of the ice was attributed by
Wilkes to a tide setting along the coast of the Antarctic
continent. On the 22nd the sea was found clear to the
south and the Vincennes sailed into a wide bay, situated
in 67° 4' S. and 1470 30' E., hoping this time to reach the
land, but at midnight it appeared that there was no out-
let to east or west, and a solid ice-barrier formed the
234 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
bottom of the inlet which Wilkes named Disappointment
Bay. The weather was fine and clear, and next day, long
after leaving the bay, the commander found that one
of the officers had logged without reporting to him the
discovery of a wide opening in the ice at the bottom of
the bay. Although sure that no such opening existed,
Wilkes put the ship about and sailed back forty miles
to convince the officers that Disappointment Bay was
really a cul-de-sac in the ice. About this time Wilkes
introduced the practise of charting the large ice-islands
as he proceeded as if they had been actual islands, be-
lieving that their relative positions would not change
much in the course of a few hours and that the rough
chart might prove serviceable if he had suddenly to re-
treat from his position.
On January 25th a snow storm came on and the wind
shifted to the southeast for the first time since the squad-
ron had reached the ice, a fact that surprised Wilkes, for
on the strength of former voyages he had expected east-
erly winds to prevail in the neighbourhood of the Ant-
arctic circle. The fair wind, come at last, could not be
taken advantage of because the weather was unsuitable
for making an examination of the coast, which was now
fully believed to lie within the southern ice-barrier. The
Porpoise was sighted several times on the 26th and 27th,
as the Vincennes continued to run to the westward
through the scattered ice-islands to about longitude 1420
E. Land was distinctly seen on the 28th, and the ship
ran towards it for 40 miles through an extraordinary num-
ber of ice-islands, varying from a quarter of a mile to
three miles in length. At 2 p. m. the barometer began to
fall and the weather looked so bad that Wilkes deter-
mined to regain the open sea and tried to do so by aid of
CHARLES WILKES
235
the ice-chart constructed on the way ; but the fog was too
thick to identify the bergs, and it seemed safer to pro-
ceed on the original course. All the afternoon the
barometer continued to fall and the gale to increase.
Snow storms obscured the view and the spray that broke
on board froze as it touched the deck or rigging. The
sail was reduced, but not to a mininum, as it was neces-
sary to keep a good way on the ship, and the navigation
became very difficult on account of the multitude of
bergs :
“ At 10:30 p. m. we found ourselves thickly beset with
them, and had many narrow escapes ; the excitement be-
came intense; it required a constant change of helm to
avoid those close aboard; and we were compelled to
press the ship with canvas in order to escape them by
keeping her to windward. We thus passed close along
their weather sides, and distinctly heard the roar of the
surf dashing against them. We had, from time to time,
glimpses of their obscure outline, appearing as though
immediately above us. After many escapes, I found
the ship so covered with ice, and the watch so powerless
in managing her, that a little after midnight, on the 29th,
I had all hands called.”
For seven hours all hands remained on watch, the ship,
all the time, being in the most extreme peril. Intense
excitement prevailed on board. The gunner fell on the
icy deck and broke his ribs, one of the sailors when aloft
got imprisoned on the lee-yardarm by the sail he was
endeavouring to furl being blown over the yard, and he
was rescued with difficulty, a rope having to be passed
round him by which he was hauled, nearly frozen to
death, into the top. At one moment the ship seemed
rushing on to destruction against a huge ice-island, but
236 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
a narrow passage between two bergs suddenly appeared
and she shot into the treacherous calm of the narrow
way, her sails almost thrown aback by the eddy winds
from the wall of ice, and the roar of the storm stilled
by the distance. The suspense was terrible, but the
spirits of the captain rose as he heard the howling of the
tempest once more and emerged into the furious sea
from the imminence of a terrible death. By 4 p. m.
the gale was over, the wind blew from the southwest,
and the ship was in 140° E., 63° 30' S. Wilkes at once
started retracing his track to the southward, once more
hopeful of reaching the land. The sun rose on the 30th
of January and shone brilliantly on a sea beset with ice-
islands and bergs of all sizes through which the ship
pursued her way easily under full sail, her crew amazed
beyond measure to see the labyrinth of ice through which
they had rushed before the storm unharmed in the dark-
ness.
The wind quickly freshened and the ship ran into a
clear space at the rate of nine or ten knots, finding her-
self in a bay partly enclosed by ice and partly by rocks,
to which the ship approached within half a mile. The
land was seen rising beyond the rocks and the barrier
to a height of about 3000 feet, and could be distinctly
seen extending fully sixty miles from east to west. The
position was 66° 45' S., 140° 2' E., and soundings gave
a depth of only 30 fathoms. The wind had risen again to
the force of a gale and it was impossible to lower a boat.
Now that all on board were convinced of its existence,
Wilkes gave to the land the name of The Antarctic Con-
tinent, and to the indentation in which they were that of
Piners Bay, after the signal quartermaster. This was
the land which D tTrville also discovered.
CHARLES WILKES
237
Another furious gale struck the ship and she was able
to show only a close-reefed main-topsail and fore-storm-
staysail, and once more she had to run before it amongst
the maze of ice-islands through another dreadful night
of watchfulness and fear, this time with added anxiety
for the wind was blowing toward the barrier, and with
every tack the ship drew nearer the impenetrable ice. At
6 p. m., on January 31st, the wind abated and Wilkes was
anxious to return to Piner’s Bay, now some sixty miles
astern, in order to attempt a landing. Another difficulty
arose from an entirely unexpected quarter: The ship’s
company appeared to the leader to be in very fair health
and fit and willing for their work; but two of the sur-
geons (the third at the time was under suspension from
duty) presented a written report to the captain, stating
that the health of the crew was so seriously impaired
that a few days more of such trying work as they had
recently had would increase the sick list to such an extent
as to hazard the safety of the ship.
In order to deal with this sudden crisis, Wilkes re-
stored the suspended surgeon to duty so as to get an
additional report, and also asked the opinion in writing
of the ward-room officers. A majority of the officers
supported the medical report, nevertheless Wilkes felt
that he would fail in his duty to his country if he re-
linquished his cruise along the barrier while the sea was
open and the crew not absolutely disabled. So after
full consideration he did not adopt the advice for which
he had asked, and ordered sail to be made to the west-
ward. On February 2nd the ship was sailing along the
icy barrier at a distance sometimes as little as 2J miles,
and the high land was seen beyond it. Rows of
grounded icebergs were in sight and the water was
238 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
much discoloured. Greatly to the regret of Wilkes
the deep-sea sounding line was in such a bad state that it
could only be used to the depth of 150 fathoms, and so
failed to reach the bottom. The position of the ship on
this day was 66° 12' S. and 1370 2' E.
The number on the sick list increased to twenty, and
the nights were growing longer, thus increasing the
strain and anxiety on the navigating officers. A snow
storm and gale came on next day and the sick list rose
to thirty. The weather remained wretched until the 7th,
and the ship was slowly worked to the westward, some-
times running far to the north to round projections of
the barrier or to escape from the proximity of dangerous
icebergs. The 7th proved finer and the ship cruised all
day along a perpendicular wall of ice about 150 feet in
height, stretching without a break to 1310 40' E. and 64°
49' S., where it trended to the south. Behind it the out-
line of high land could be distinctly seen, the Cote Clarie
of D Urville. The ship lay-to till daylight at the bend
in the coast to which Wilkes gave the name of Cape
Carr, after the first lieutenant of the Vincennes, but it is
not stated whether the cape was the icy angle of the bar-
rier or the assumed promontory within it, and it has
even been suggested by an American author that the
name applied to the “ snowy heights of the mainland,”
but Wilkes was certainly too good a sailor to give the
name of cape to any feature not touched by the sea.
Next day it was possible to get only a little farther south
but land was visible in the evening at a great distance
and the westerly course was continued.
The next two days were the finest experienced on that
coast, and fine views of the barrier were obtained, though
the appearances of land were neither so numerous nor so
239
CHARLES WILKES
distinct as before. At night a magnificent display of the
aurora australis was seen curtaining the northern horizon.
On the 1 2th land was seen again to the southwest, and
again hopes were high that it might be reached, but
shortly after noon the loose floe ice through which
the Vincennes was sailing, changed to a solid barrier.
The position then was 64° 57' S., 112° 16' E., and the
land was distinctly seen as a lofty snow-covered moun-
tain range, showing many ridges and indentations. No
soundings were obtained with 250 fathoms, and the ship
lay-to for three hours in the hope of finding some opening
in the barrier through which the land might be reached.
Some of the icebergs showed dark earthy stains. On
the 13th high rounded snow-covered land was dis-
tinctly seen extending from west-southwest to south-
southeast, when the ship was in 65° 57' S., 106° 40' E.
It was about twelve miles distant and there was no bottom
with 300 fathoms. Next day was clear and the land was
seen from seven to eight miles distant, extending by
angular measurements for 75 miles, and about 3000 feet
high. As it was impossible to reach it from the ship, a
landing was made on one of the biggest ice-islands from
which a large collection of boulders of basalt and red
sandstone was made. The largest boulder seen was five
or six feet in diameter, but it was not secured, being in
an inaccessible position. Parts of the berg seemed to be
formed of a sort of conglomerate of rocks cemented
together by ice of flinty hardness. All hands showed the
keenest interest in the discovery and all were eagerly
desirous of possessing themselves of a piece of the Ant-
arctic Continent. The crew enjoyed themselves in sliding
on the ice covering a pond of fresh water of over an
acre in extent on the top of the ice-island, and on break-
24o SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
ing this ice a vast supply of the purest fresh water was
found, from which the ship replenished her tanks. As
this berg was nearly in the position of the last rendezvous
appointed for the squadron a flagstaff was erected on it,
and orders left for the other ships to continue to the west-
ward until the 1st of March.
On February 15th, the sea became so calm that Wilkes
suspected that there might be a quantity of ice to the
northward between him and the open ocean, especially as
he was 200 miles south of the latitude in which Cook
had found the barrier in 1773, but he kept on in the hope
of reaching Enderby Land. Animal life was now ex-
uberant, whales abounded, including “ right whales ” it
is stated, and there were seals and penguins in abun-
dance though no mention is made of these being used for
food. Enormous numbers of shrimps were seen swim-
ming around the icebergs. Many earth-stained icebergs
came in sight and some of them were visited. The
meridian of ioo° E. had been passed, and the wind for
several days showed a distinct diurnal periodicity, blow-
ing fresh from 7 a. m. to 8 p. m., and dying away at
night.
On the 1 6th about 10 a. m., the barrier was seen trend-
ing to the northward, and next day it was found that there
was no possibility of getting farther to the west. The
position then was 64° 1' S. and 970 37' E., and an ap-
pearance of land was seen to the southwest, apparently
trending to the northward. This was charted as Ter-
mination Land and gave rise to much controversy: it has
been proved not to exist in the assigned position, though
Drygalski found land which might have been sighted in
the same direction from Wilkes's farthest point to the
westward. As the wind still held from the east it was
Yikw of the Antarctic Continent from an Ice Island on h ebruarv iS4o-
(From the Narrative of the U.S. Exploring Expedition.)
CHARLES WILKES
241
necessary to beat back against it in order to escape from
the great bay into which the Vincennes had entered.
This bay abounded in finner whales of extraordinary
size, puffing like locomotives and coming much nearer
the ship in their total ignorance of the ways of man than
was at all agreeable to those on board. The most brilliant
aurora was seen at night, and the crew when not at work
lay flat on their backs on deck gazing at the magnificent
coruscations darting from the zenith to the horizon in
all directions with rays of every colour.
The northern side of the great bay in the barrier
seemed interminable, the ship having to follow every
bend in its sinuous shore in the hope of finding a way
out. The sea was as calm as a river, but at length the
fears of the crew that they might find themselves cut
off were relieved on the 20th in ioi° E. by the lift of
a slight swell being felt, and soon afterwards the barrier
edge turned northward and again westward. After hav-
ing worked his way back to the eastward against a con-
trary wind, Wilkes had the disappointment of finding it
change to the west as soon as he was free to resume
his voyage in that direction. He was anxious to reach
Cook’s farthest point in the Indian Ocean not 100
miles distant, in order to ascertain whether there had
been any change in the position of the ice there.
On the 2 1 st of February, 1840, Wilkes determined
to return to the northward. It is curious to notice that
after having repeatedly referred to watering the ship
from icebergs, he now reduced the issue of water to
one-half the usual allowance because there was only a
supply for 25 days on board and 3000 miles lay between
him and his next port. Probably however the fuel for
melting ice was running short.
16
242 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
“ I have seldom seen so many happy faces,” says
Wilkes, “or such rejoicings as the announcement of
my intention to return produced. But although the crew
were delighted at the termination of this dangerous
cruise, not a word of impatience or discontent had been
heard during its continuance.”
The health of the crew was better than when they first
reached the ice, but the labour and anxiety had told
heavily on Wilkes himself though he was always able
to attend to his duties.
On March 1st the Vincennes reached the latitude of
Royal Company Island and ran for eight degrees of
longitude along the parallel but without seeing any indi-
cation of land. The wind proving unfavourable for
reaching Hobart Town, Wilkes set his course for Port
Jackson, and on the nth he passed between the Heads
and dropped anchor in Farm Cove, Sydney Harbour,
the crew being in better condition than when they had
sailed. The Peacock was found in Mossman’s Cove
undergoing her necessary repairs, but there was no news
of the Porpoise or Flying Fish, which were not met
until March 30th in the appointed rendezvous, the Bay of
Islands, New Zealand.
The Porpoise, it will be remembered, was lost sight of
by the Vincennes on January 27th in 65° 41' S. and 1420
31' E. Lieutenant Ringgold had formed the mistaken
idea that the prevailing wind in those latitudes was
westerly, and as it was blowing fresh from the east he
thought it would save time to run straight to his western
limit in 105 0 E., and then in more favourable circum-
stances examine the barrier minutely as he returned.
He accordingly, after a couple of days in the ice during
the heavy gale that had so severely tried the Peacock,
CHARLES WILKES
243
stood clear of the ice and held on his course. On the
30th as he was proceeding two strange vessels appeared
and as they were smaller than the Vincennes or the
Peacock Ringgold concluded that they must be the ships
of the British expedition under Ross which he knew
were expected in those seas. He hoisted his colours and
was “ preparing to cheer the discoverer of the North
Magnetic Pole/' when the strangers showed French
colours and the Americans knew that they were D’Ur-
ville’s. When almost up to the flagship his “ intentions
too evident to excite a doubt ” Ringgold saw sail being
made on D’Urville’s ship and jumping to the conclusion
that an insult was intended he instantly hauled down
his flag and bore on his course. Wilkes was much ex-
cited when he subsequently heard of the episode and said
hard things of D’Urville; but the explanation of the
latter has already been given. It is simply incredible
that any commander meeting another ship in such a
region would wilfully insult a friendly flag, and we
must conclude that the American captain was too quick
to take offence.
The barrier was occasionally sighted and the usual
difficulties of navigation amongst the floating ice were
successfully overcome. No land was reported, but dis-
coloured ice was frequently observed and earth and
stones were several times collected from the ice; on the
13th a number of stones were taken “ from an immense
mass of black earth identified with the barrier, some
hundreds of yards back from the margin.” On Feb-
ruary 14th the westward limit assigned had been passed
and the Porpoise turned in ioo° E. and 64° 15' S. to
examine the edge of the barrier as she sailed eastward.
The crew were in good health and spirits and on Feb-
244 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
ruary 22nd they celebrated Washington's birthday, re-
ceived a number of compliments from the captain on
their good behaviour, and, what comes nearer to Jack's
heart, an extra allowance. On the 24th, after having
occasionally sighted the barrier, Ringgold felt that he
had fulfilled his commission and being then in 64° 29' S.,
126° E., he turned the brig's head northward. The
Auckland Islands were sighted on March 5th and on the
7th the Porpoise dropped anchor in the harbour of
Sarah's Bosom, where the sailors revelled on the limpets
and fish. After a short stay the Porpoise left and
reached the Bay of Islands on March 26th, finding the
little Flying Fish there before her.
The Flying Fish had been lost sight of by the squad-
ron on the outward cruise on New Years' Day long be-
fore reaching the ice. The little schooner had had a
mishap with her sails causing her to fall behind. She
had proceeded according to instructions to the two first
rendezvous without meeting the other vessels, and on Jan-
uary 2 1st she had reached the icy barrier in 65° 20' S.
I59° 36' E. On the 23rd rocks had been seen in 65°
58' S., 1 570 49' E. so closely beset by ice that it was im-
possible to approach them. Until February 5th she
continued to cruise amongst the ice, encountering sev-
eral gales and having a number of men on the sick list.
As the crew was reduced by illness it was impossible to
reef the mainsail and more than once the schooner had
to lay-to with full canvas which caused her to labour
frightfully and leak to an alarming degree. Everything
below deck was wet and when the pumps were stopped
for a short time the water reached the cabin floor. The
men sent a letter to Lieutenant Pinkney, who was in
command for the cruise, pointing out the deplorable
CHARLES WILKES
245
condition in which they were, saying that they had no
dry place in which to lie down and their clothes had been
continuously wet for seven days. The officers concurred
in the representation and Pinkney himself fully realising
the hazardous condition of affairs, gave the order to
turn northward on February 5th, and on March 9th,
after a rough and dangerous passage, they reached the
Bay of Islands, where the scientific staff who had not
been allowed to take part in the Antarctic cruise were
already assembled and where the rest of the squadron
ultimately joined them.
Considering the state of the ships which made this
attack on the south polar seas the length of time they
were able to pursue their object was remarkable and in
the highest degree creditable to the commanding officers.
Experience has shown, however, that so large a squad-
ron so heavily manned is not the best instrument of ex-
ploration in polar seas. A couple of small stout ships
of the Arctic whaler type would undoubtedly have done
far more with far less risk than the two French and
four American vessels which cruised for two months in
those inhospitable waters.
Still a very substantial increase in the knowledge of
the Antarctic was made. The Balleny Islands, Sabrina
Land and Biscoe’s Enderby Land were shown to be
connected by patches of high land, which was sighted at
so many points as to make it certain that it forms a
range of islands, if not a continuous continent. The
fact that Wilkes gave the name of Antarctic Continent
to this collection of land does not of course prove that it
is a continent. In order to demonstrate that it would be
necessary to do much more than fix a few points along
one coast and the work remains for the future.
246 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
While at the Bay of Islands Wilkes wrote to Captain
Ross expressing his friendly feelings toward a brother
explorer and giving various hints for the navigation of
the Antarctic seas as well as particulars of the weather
to be expected. He stated that his instructions were
stringent as regards communicating the description of
discoveries, but at the same time he sent the tracing of
a chart showing the position of the ice-barrier and indi-
cating various pieces of mountainous lands within it.
Ross received the letter and chart and in the course of
his voyage sailed across one of the lands represented in
about 66° S. and 165° E., finding only open sea. Hav-
ing proved that this land — shown in the position where
Ringgold on the Porpoise thought he had seen high
mountains — was non-existent, Ross declined to adopt any
of Wilkes's discoveries shown on this chart, because it
was impossible for him to decide how far they represented
land actually seen, and how far land, the existence of
which was inferred from indirect evidence. Wilkes
heard of Ross’s voyage towards the end of 1841 when he
touched at Oahu in the Sandwich Islands and then ex-
plained that the land Ross had sailed over was no part
of the American discoveries but a representation of the
Balleny Islands, of the discovery of which he had heard
in Sydney from Captain Biscoe, whom he met there.*
This discovery of Balleny had in the hasty tracing been
left without any statement that it was not an American
claim, and the lands really claimed for the expedition
all lay to the westward of the meridian of 160°, beyond
which Ross did not go. Ross however pointed out that
* Wilkes always spoke of Balleny as “ Bellamy,” and of Biscoe
as " Briscoe,” slips that give rise to confusion in American writers
to this day.
Facsimile of
Part of the Chart given by Wilkes to Ross, with the Tracks of the
“Erebus” and “Terror,”
AND OF THE
“Discovery,” added.
I To Jace p. 246.
CHARLES WILKES
247
the land in question did not correspond to the position
of Balleny’s discovery, and that it represented a range
of mountains in the position in which they were reported
by Ringgold and not five small islands. He stated also
that Wilkes had seen an exact account of Balleny’s dis-
covery in the Athcnceum on his return to Sydney, and had
ejaculated on seeing it, “ Then all our labour has been
in vain.” He therefore suggested that Ringgold’s ap-
pearance of land may have been laid down on Wilkes’s
chart and erased from the original after the tracing had
been taken. To this Wilkes replied that the position
marked on his chart by Biscoe as Balleny’s discovery
was all the information on the subject that he received
before writing his letter, and that the extent of moun-
tainous land shown on Ross’s copy of his tracing was
far greater than appeared on the original. Wilkes was
by no means perfect and committed errors of judgment;
but we view his communication to Ross as a friendly and
even an unselfish act. He merely carried out his instruc-
tions in visiting the portion of the Antarctic region in
which he discovered land, and Ross was not justified in
including him in the censure, which D’Urville possibly
deserved, for having tried to anticipate the work of the
British expedition in order to reap the glory for another
flag. On the other hand Wilkes was too ready to report
land without proving its existence, and Scott’s track in
1904 to the south of all the land on Wilkes’s chart east of
the meridian of 155° E. somewhat reduces the length of
coast-line claimed by the American expedition. We
cannot mark on the chart the earlier cruise of Tapsell in
the Brisk, but that would seem to restrict the coast seen
by the American ships to land west of 1430 E.
Wilkes was deserving of the greatest sympathy. His
248 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
expedition was involved in trouble before ever it set out,
trouble of every kind dogged its track in tropical, tem-
perate and polar waters and the troubles did not end
when the storm-tossed ships came home on June io,
1842. The gold medal of the Royal Geographical So-
ciety, the highest distinction in the geographical world,
was conferred upon Wilkes a few years later, sufficient
evidence of the esteem in which his geographical results
were held in Europe. It cannot be said that his own
countrymen received him with gratitude or unqualified
approval, for shortly after his return he was brought
before a court-martial on the distinct and separate charges
preferred by his own officers of oppression, injustice to
his men, illegal and severe punishment of savages, false-
hood and scandalous conduct, the last charge including
such mildly “ scandalous ” acts as wearing the uniform
of a captain while still technically a lieutenant! The
trial lasted six weeks, and reference has already been
made to the charge of falsely stating that land had been
discovered on January 19, 1840, the only one in any way
affecting the Antarctic cruise. The result of the trial
was acquittal, and Wilkes rose to a very high place in the
United States Navy. He was a fine fighting officer and
did good service for the North in the Civil War. One
of his notable exploits brought the United Kingdom and
the United States nearer war than they have ever been
since 1815. This was the stoppage of the British mail-
steamer Trent on the high seas on November 8, 1861,
and the arrest of two envoys from the Confederate
States who were proceeding to Europe. He retired on
account of age in 1864, and was appointed Rear-Admiral
in 1866; he lived until February, 1877, when he died in
Washington in his eightieth year.
CHAPTER XII
■ • ' *• ■' ■
JAMES CLARK ROSS
“With the tumultuous past the teeming future,
Glorious with visions of a full success.,,
— Robert Browning.
THE British Antarctic Expedition, fitted out by the
Admiralty in accordance with the plan submitted by
the British Association and approved by the Royal
Society, was designed for its commander, whose personal
qualities and exceptional experience made him the one
man possible for the work. It would be interesting to
give details of the earlier life and training of James Clark
Ross, but unfortunately the data for such a memoir are
very scanty.
The Ross family possessed the property of Balsarroch,
in the parish of Kilmalcolm, Wigtownshire, at least as
early as the beginning of the eighteenth century, and in
1761 the property came into the possession of the Rev.
Andrew Ross, minister of the parish of Inch, who left
four sons. The eldest of these was General Andrew Ross,
who apparently predeceased his father, for the second son,
George Ross, merchant in London, succeeded to the estate
in 1792. The fourth son was Admiral Sir John Ross,
famous as an Arctic explorer, who was born in 1777, and
after a life of strenuous effort, died in 1856. George
Ross left three sons, the eldest, Colonel Alexander Ross,
who succeeded to the estate in 1800, while the youngest
was James Clark Ross, the hero of the South Polar ex-
pedition. He was born in London on April 15th, 1800,
249
250 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
and as we have seen came of a family of soldiers and
sailors. At the age of twelve he entered the navy, being
placed under the care of his uncle, in whose ships he
sailed until 1818. In 1819 he served on board H. M. S.
Hecla under Sir Edward Parry, and continued for eight
years with that great Arctic officer, taking part in several
expeditions to the northern seas including the famous
attempt to reach the North Pole by travelling over
the ice beyond Spitsbergen in 1827. On returning from
this expedition he was promoted to the rank of Com-
mander, and sailed again in 1829, with his uncle Sir
John Ross in Sir Felix Booth’s ship Victory. On this
occasion the expedition spent four years in the Arctic
regions and was almost given up as lost. In the course
of it James Clark Ross did an immense amount of sledg-
ing work, and on June 1, 1831, he reached the North
magnetic pole and had the pleasure of hoisting the
British flag on that interesting spot. He was promoted
to the rank of Captain in 1834, and was in command of
H. M. S. Cove in Baffin Bay in 1836.
Ross, who was reputed to be the handsomest man in
the navy, was an excellent officer with a rigid sense of
duty. There is a curious note by one of the members
of the expedition which proves the firmness of the com-
mander’s character and may be viewed as a compli-
ment, though intended as a censure. “ Notwithstand-
ing my having some personal influence with Captain
Ross ” — so runs the complaint — “ both of us having
served together as youths under our mutual old com-
mander and friend, Sir Edward Parry, I could not in-
duce him to cancel any order he had once placed in the
order-book, so strong were his prejudices, and as a
sequence so difficult reason with.”
Sir James Clark Ross.
(From a Water-colour in the possession of the Royal Geographical Society.)
[ To /ace p. 250.
JAMES CLARK ROSS 251
Another member of the expedition thought that the
discipline on board the Erebus was lax compared with
that on the Terror, and believed that Ross permitted too
much familiarity between the officers and men. The two
criticisms are not consistent, and stress need not be laid
on either. Ross's old friend, Sir John Franklin con-
sidered him to be an ambitious man who tried to do every-
thing himself, and was not ready to encourage any initia-
tive on the part of his subordinates. Franklin, in the same
letter which contains this opinion, bears the strongest
testimony to Ross's kindliness and generosity and to his
high sense of honour. He had, perhaps, a tendency to
underestimate the qualities of foreigners, but that is not
unusual in the fighting services of all nations and is per-
haps to some degree inseparable from the overmastering
devotion which a naval officer ought to bear to his own
flag.
It is enough for us to know, and of this there cannot
be a shadow of doubt, that there was no other man, not
only in the British navy but in the British Empire, prob-
ably in the whole world, who was so thoroughly fitted
to take command of a great polar expedition. And the
result proved the truth of the opinion of his contempo-
raries.
Having taken part in the magnetic survey of the British
Isles with Sabine and Lloyd, Ross was familiar with the
latest developments of the science of terrestrial magnetism
and so was in a position to be the scientific as well as the
executive chief of an expedition designed mainly for
magnetic work. The expedition was purely naval, the
scientific equipment was utterly inadequate and no scien-
tific staff was carried, although the naval surgeons at-
tached to the ships were selected on account of their
252 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
scientific tastes. At least one of the assistant surgeons
entered the navy for the express purpose of taking ad-
vantage of the scientific opportunities afforded by this
voyage.
The command of the expedition was conferred on
Captain Rpss on April 8th, 1839, when he was appointed
to H. M. S. Erebus, while his old shipmate, Commander
Francis Rawdon Moira Crozier, was a month later ap-
pointed to command TI. M. S. Terror, the second ship set
apart for the expedition. Suggestions had been made
as to the desirability of employing steamers for polar
exploration; but steam power was still new in the navy
and not to be thought of for an expedition to such dis-
tant waters. The Erebus was, in naval parlance, a
bomb, that is, a vessel specially made for carrying
mortars designed to throw bombs of large diameter at a
high angle of elevation. She was consequently very
strongly built, entirely of wood, as were all sailing ships
of that date and for long afterwards, and possessed of a
capacious hold well adapted for the stowage of stores.
She was a small vessel, only 370 tons burden, with
clumsy rounded bows and a slow sailer excelling only in
her power of rolling, but she had the compensating
advantage of light draught of water, and a small crew
was sufficient to work her.
The second vessel, the Terror, of 340 tons, was prac-
tically of the same size and build and she had already
proved herself capable of contending with polar ice. In
I^37 she had been strengthened for the purpose and dis-
patched to the relief of the whaling fleet which had
been frozen up in Baffin Bay the previous winter.
Under Sir George Back she had made a vain attempt to
reach Repulse Bay, sustaining some damage in the effort.
JAMES CLARK ROSS 253
All repairs had already been effected, and in a very short
time both the Erebus and the Terror left the hands of
the dockyard workmen as strong as ships could be made
after the experience of generations of northern whalers
and explorers. The decks were made of two thicknesses
of the stoutest planking, separated by layers of water-
proofed cloth, the bow and stern internally were filled up
nearly solid with timbers, and externally all projections
were removed and a thick outer skin of planking added,
varying in thickness so as to present the greatest strength
in those parts likely to come in contact with the floating
ice. The hulls were double coppered, and copper was
substituted for iron in the fastenings wherever it was
possible to do so.
The ships were provisioned on the usual naval system,
but a remarkable feature for that time was the large
supply of fresh tinned meats and soups and the enor-
mous quantity of vegetables — there being nearly five tons
of carrots alone, and over four tons of pickles. Warm
clothing of the best quality procurable was supplied for
gratuitous issue to the crews, who were all volunteers
and in receipt of double pay from the time of sailing.
The officers were selected by Ross from a large number
who applied for permission to take part in what was
from the first a popular expedition. Each ship car-
ried in addition to the captain, three lieutenants, a mas-
ter, surgeon, purser, three mates, assistant surgeon,
and second master, together with a crew of 64 men.
The surgeon of each ship was specially charged
with observations in zoology and geology; they were
Mr. Robert McCormick on the Erebus, who had already
had much experience in the Arctic regions, and Mr. John
Robertson, on the Terror. The assistant surgeons were
254 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
in like manner charged with botanical observations, and
for this work the Erebus was singularly fortunate in
having Dr. Joseph Dalton Hooker, son of Sir W. J.
Hooker, the eminent botanist. The youngest officer on
the expedition (he was only 21), Sir Joseph Hooker has
outlived all his shipmates and risen to the first rank
amongst British men of science, always cherishing the
memory of those years of unprecedented interest passed
on the great voyage of discovery and largely instru-
mental sixty years later in securing the renewal of Ant-
arctic research. The assistant surgeon on the Terror
was Mr. David Lyall, and the second master of that ship,
Mr. John E. Davis, was a skilled draughtsman who pre-
pared the charts of the expedition, took advantage of
every opportunity presented to him, and in his letters
home gave a very vivid account of the incidents of the
cruise.
Sir John Franklin, whose ability to judge of the quali-
ties of polar explorers is not likely to be challenged, did
not think much of the subordinate officers of the expedi-
tion when he met them in Tasmania — 44 there was scarcely
one, with the exception of Hooker, above the ordinary
run of the service/' he said, in a confidential letter when
comparing them with those whom he had selected to
accompany him on his last and fatal voyage. This of
course did not refer to Captain Crozier, whom Franklin
subsequently selected as his own second in command,
and Davis also might justly have been excepted.
The worst risk which the commander of a government
expedition of exploration runs is to be hampered by the
minuteness of his instructions which he dares not disobey
even when unforeseen circumstances turn them into a
prohibition of all progress. Ross was fortunate in com-
Sir Joseph Dalton Hooker, G.C.S.I.
(From a pen-and-ink sketch by T. 13. Wirgman.)
f To fact p. 25 {
JAMES CLARK ROSS 255
manding the confidence of the Admiralty to such a degree
that his orders were qualified by a general discretion
which left him wide freedom of action. The instruc-
tions given on September 16th, 1839, defined the pur-
pose, order and duration of the cruise. It is of interest
to compare them with the instructions given to the com-
manders of the other expeditions, and we accordingly
quote their principal clauses:
“ Whereas, it has been represented to us that the
science of magnetism may be essentially improved by an
extensive series of observations made in high southern
latitudes, and by a comparison of such observations with
others made at certain fixed stations, and whereas prac-
tical navigation must eventually derive important benefit
from every improvement in that science, we have, in con-
sideration of these objects, caused Her Majesty’s ships
Erebus and Terror to be in all respects prepared for a
voyage for carrying into complete execution the pur-
poses above mentioned ; and from the experience we have
had of your abilities, zeal, and good conduct, we have
thought fit to entrust you with the command of the ex-
pedition, and to direct Commander Crozier, whom we
have appointed to Her Majesty’s ship Terror, to follow
your orders for his proceedings.
“ You are therefore required and directed, as soon as
both vessels shall be in all respects ready, to put to sea
with them, and on your way to your ulterior destination,
you will touch at the Island of Madeira, in order to
obtain the sea-rates of the several chronometers with
which each vessel has been supplied. From thence (but
making a short series of observations at the Rock of St.
Paul) you will make the best of your way to the Island
of St. Helena, where you are to land the observers and
256 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
the instruments for the fixed magnetic observatory in-
tended for that station. . . .
“ At the Cape of Good Hope the instruments and ob-
servers for the second fixed magnetic observatory are to
be carefully landed; and having completed your water,
and replaced the stores which you have expended, you
are to proceed to the eastward, touching at Marion and
Crozet Isles for observations, if the weather and other
circumstances should be favourable for that purpose.
“ As we have provided the expedition with invariable
pendulums, and all the necessary apparatus for determin-
ing the figure of the earth; and as it is desirable that
these observations should be made at several points, more
especially in high southern latitudes, it is probable that
Kerguelen Island will be found well suited to that pur-
pose, as well as to an extensive series of magnetic and
other observations; but the selection of these stations is
freely confided to your judgment.
“ If the operations at Kerguelen Island, or at such
other places as you may select, should be completed be-
fore the end of February, 1840, you will possibly find the
sea sufficiently open to proceed directly to the southward,
to examine those places where indications of land have
been noticed, and to make the requisite observations on
any out-lying islands that you may be able to discover;
but, at that advanced period of the season, you are cau-
tiously to avoid being beset in the ice, as your early
arrival at Van Diemen’s Land is of far greater impor-
tance to the great object of the expedition than any re-
sults you could hope there to obtain. .
“ At Van Diemen’s Land you are to communicate with
Lieutenant-Governor Sir John Franklin, who will have
been instructed to prepare instruments for the third mag-
JAMES CLARK ROSS 257
netic observatory, which you are to establish in the most
advantageous position, and to place in charge of an
officer. . . . Having brought this observatory into
active operation, you will lose no time in proceeding to
Sydney, which, according to the views contained in the
before-mentioned report, will be a station eminently fitted
for the determination of all the magnetic elements, and
which will hereafter be the centre of reference for every
species of local determination.
“ The remaining winter months may be advantageously
employed in visiting New Zealand and the adjacent
islands. . . . but taking care to return to Van Die-
men’s Land by the end of October, to refit Her Majesty’s
ships, and to prepare them for a voyage to the southward.
“ In the following summer, your provisions having
been completed and your crews refreshed, you will pro-
ceed direct to the southward in order to determine the
position of the magnetic pole, and even to attain to it if
possible, which it is hoped will be one of the remarkable
and creditable results of this expedition. In the execu-
tion, however, of this arduous part of the service en-
trusted to your enterprise and to your resources, you are
to use your best endeavours to withdraw from the high
latitudes in time to prevent the ships from being beset
with the ice : . . . Should the expedition have been
able to avoid wintering in a high latitude, you will return
to Van Diemen’s Land, availing yourself of every oppor-
tunity you can seize of pursuing there, or in such other
places as your deliberate judgment may prefer, those
series of observations and experiments best adapted to
carrying out the leading objects of the expedition.
“ On the breaking up of the succeeding winter, you
will resume the examination of the Antarctic seas in the
17
258 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
highest latitude you can reach, and proceeding to the
eastward from the point at which you had left off the
preceding year, you will seek for fresh places on which
to plant your observatory in all directions from the
pole.
“ In the event of finding any great extent of land, you
will, as far as may be practicable, lay down the promi-
nent parts of its coast line; and you will endeavour not
only to correct the positions of Graham Land and En-
derby Land, and other places which have been seen only
at a distance, but to obtain some knowledge of the nature
of those yet unvisited tracts for geographical research;
and the magnetic objects of your voyage may be so con-
ducted as mutually to assist each other. . . .
“ The South Shetlands, or the Orkneys, or perhaps the
Sandwich Islands, and lastly, the Falklands, will prob-
ably terminate your magnetic; labours in the Antarctic
seas ; and if at those latter islands you should not receive
further orders from us, you will return to England by
such a route as yO_u may think most conducive to the
ruling object of the expedition.
“ In an enterprise of the nature which has been briefly
stated in these orders, much must be left to the dis-
cretion, temper, and judgment of the commanding officer;
and we fully confide in your combined energy and pru-
dence for the successful issue of a voyage, which will
engross the attention of the scientific men of all Europe.
. . . We also caution you against allowing the two
vessels to separate ; and we direct you to appoint, not only
a sufficient number of well-chosen rendezvous, but to keep
up the most unreserved communication with the com-
mander of the Terror, placing, in him every proper con-
fidence. , . . .. .We also recommend that a frequent
JAMES CLARK ROSS 259
change should take place of the observations made in the
two ships, in order that any scientific discovery made by
the one, should be quickly communicated to the other, as
well for their advantage and guidance in making their
future observations, as for the purpose of more certainly
ensuring their preservation. ... In the event of
any fatal accident to yourself, Commander Crozier is
hereby authorised to take command of the expedition,
either on board the Erebus or Terror, as he may prefer
(placing the senior lieutenant in command of the other
ship), to carry these instructions into execution.
“ In the event of England being involved in hostilities
with any other power during your absence, you are
clearly to understand that you are not to commit any
hostile act whatever ; the expedition under your command
being fitted out for the sole purpose of scientific dis-
coveries and it being the established practice of all
civilised nations to consider vessels so employed as
exempt from the operations of war. ... On your
arrival in England, you are forthwith to repair to
this office in order to lay before us a full account of your
proceedings, taking care before you leave the ship to de-
mand from the officers and all other persons on board,
the logs and journals they had kept, and the charts, draw-
ings, and observations which they had made, and which
are all to be sealed up ; and you will issue similar direc-
tions to Commander Crozier and his officers, etc.; the
said logs, journals, and other documents to be thereafter
disposed of as we may think proper to determine. You
will also receive our future directions for the disposal
of all such specimens of the animal, vegetable, and
mineral kingdoms as in the course of the voyage may
have been collected by- any- person on board of either of
260 siege of the south pole
the ships, and which you are to endeavour to preserve,
as far as may be done without inconvenience.”
In addition to the Admiralty instructions, the Royal
Society prepared, through a series of committees, in-
structions for scientific observations to be made on ter-
restrial magnetism, geodesy, tides, meteorology, oceanic
depths and temperature, astronomical phenomena,
geology, zoology, and botany, the whole forming a vol-
ume of a hundred pages. It must be borne in mind that
all that was enjoined was the collection of observations
and of specimens to be dealt with at home after the
return of the expedition; and that the various sciences
were still in such an unspecialised state in 1839 that the
acute observations of intelligent amateurs in the leisure
afforded them by their official duties were capable of
yielding results of very great value. This has long
ceased to be the case, and the absence of a staff of trained
scientific specialists from an expedition of exploration
would nowr be as gross an absurdity as the absence of a
skilled engineer, or electrician, or torpedo officer, from
a ship of war on active service. In 1839, life in the navy
and in the laboratory was a simpler affair than it now is,
and it was as possible then for a naval officer of scien-
tific tastes to conduct a scientific expedition with all the
completeness desirable as it is now for a scientific man
with a taste for the sea to navigate his own yacht. The
surgeons, it must also be remembered, were men of scien-
tific training, and amongst them there was one who
speedily showed himself worthy to rank with Charles
Darwin, who had recently completed his circumnaviga-
tion on H. M. S. Beagle, and with T. H. Huxley who, a
few years later, pursued his researches off the Australian
coast in the cramped quarters of H; M. S._ Rattlesnake.
JAMES CLARK ROSS 261
Still it cannot be denied that had the expedition of the
Erebus and Terror been organised on the lines subse-
quently followed on that of the Challenger the gain to
science would have been enormous.
As the Erebus and Terror lay in the Medway ready to
start on their momentous expedition the little Eliza Scott
entered the Thames returning from her daring voyage
in the seas to which the expedition was bound, and Ross
was made aware of the discovery of the Balleny Islands,
which were hailed as a possible station for magnetic and
pendulum work in the most interesting region.
One may assume that Smith, the discoverer of the
South Shetlands, was acquainted with Weddell, who
knew Morrell, who was a friend of Palmer, who met
Bellingshausen in the most romantic way, and Weddell
also met Biscoe, who, in turn, knew Wilkes, D’Urville and
Balleny, while Balleny returned in time to see Ross, and
Ross’s assistant surgeon, Sir Joseph Hooker, was ac-
quainted personally with the leaders of the Antarctic ex-
peditions of the remainder of the nineteenth, and of the
twentieth century.
It might be possible to find some link connecting Smith
and Cook could one but penetrate the mist enveloping the
history of the seal-trade of South Georgia, which began
on Cook’s return and was not quite extinct forty years
later when the record of the nineteenth century discov-
eries opened. The chain was indeed completed through
Bellingshausen’s call for Sir Joseph Banks, the shipmate
and constant friend of Cook; and thus by the joined
hands of Russian, American and British explorers the
great navigator was brought into living touch with Scott,
Drygalski, Nordenskjold and Bruce.
CHAPTER XIII
THE DISCOVERY OF VICTORIA LAND
“The fair breeze blew, the good ship flew
The furrow followed free.
We were the first who ever burst
Into that silent sea.”
— Coleridge.
TF dark and lurid names could cast a gloom on the
prospects of an expedition little harmony or satisfac-
tion could have been expected when, on September 25th,
1839, ^e steamer Hecate towed the Erebus, followed by
the Terror, into Margate Roads to await a favourable
wind. In this case, however, there was nothing in names,
and when the wind came away from the east on Septem-
ber 30th the Erebus and Terror set sail and beating round
the Foreland dropped their pilots and made their way
down Channel bound for the south magnetic pole.
The ships were separated in a gale on October 3rd, and
the Erebus proceeded alone, losing sight of the Lizard on
the 5th, rejoicing to meet the open sea, all the worry of
preparation safely over and Ross himself finding it “ not
easy to describe the joy and light-heartedness ” of being
fairly embarked on the enterprise he had so long de-
sired to undertake. Scientific observations were at once
reduced to a system, and even in the Bay of Biscay
attempts at deep-sea soundings with from 300 to 600
fathoms of line were made. Madeira was reached on
October 20th and the Terror arrived four days later. A
barometric estimate of the height of Pico Ruivo was
262
VICTORIA LAND
263
made and the cairn erected by Wilkes’s officers the year
before was pointed out by the guides. On the 31st the
appearance of bad weather caused the ships to depart
from the open roadstead of Funchal earlier than was
intended, and make for Tenerife.
On November 13th, the expedition reached the Cape
Verde Islands; a week was spent in magnetic observa-
tions while the ships’ stores of fresh provisions were be-
ing replenished. Thence they went to St. Paul’s Rocks
and South Trinidad, landings being made on both these
isolated rocks. The equator had been crossed on Decem-
ber 3rd, all due ceremonies being performed on those
who had never before entered the southern hemisphere,
and four days later a much more interesting line was
crossed. This was the magnetic equator, or line of no
dip, where the freely suspended magnetic needle rested
perfectly horizontal. Ross had made the excellent rule
that the result of any important observation made on one
ship should immediately be signalled to the other, and
on this occasion he was greatly gratified by the signal of
“ no magnetic dip ” being hoisted at the same moment by
both vessels, proving that instruments and observers were
alike in thorough working order.
The average naval officer understands something of
physical observations, but the collection of geological and
natural history specimens is a mystery to him, and he
abhors such mysteries, as Mr. McCormick had already
occasion to find in his efforts to induce the first lieutenant,
to whom “ everything connected with science is a bore
and an enigma” to provide a place for his ever grow-
ing collection. No doubt the lieutenant sheltered him-
self under the happy saving clause of the Admiralty
Instructions “ without inconvenience.” The more im-
264 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
portant problem of deep-sea sounding was approaching
a successful solution though it did not reach it on this
voyage. Ross had a sounding-line 3600 fathoms in
length prepared on board, strong enough to stand a lead
weighing 76 pounds, and fitted with swivels to prevent
the strands untwisting in the water. With this he got
a sounding in 2425 fathoms on January 3rd, though the
line parted in heaving in.
On January 31st, 1840, the two ships anchored in
St. Helena Roads, having had a hard time of it beat-
ing up to the island against the trade-wind. Steps were
immediately taken to select a site for the magnetic
observatory, and Lieutenant Lefroy, the young artillery
officer who was sent out to take charge of it, landed
with his assistants. The ships sailed again on Feb-
ruary 9th and made their way leisurely to the Cape of
Good Hope, occasionally stopping to sound when the
sea was calm and boats could be used, and always mak-
ing magnetic observations for the purpose of deter-
mining the line of least intensity, to the exact position
of which Sabine attached much importance. On March
17th anchor was cast in Simon’s Bay and the magnetic
instruments were at once landed in order to secure
comparisons that would enable the Antarctic observa-
tions to be properly interpreted. The fixed observatory
was set up close to the Astronomical Observatory and
Lieutenant Eardley Wilmot of the Royal Artillery with
three assistants who had come out with the Erebus
were landed to take charge of it.
Light baffling winds made it a difficult matter to get
away from Simon’s Bay when the ships set out on April
6th, 1840, but at night a succession of violent squalls
with thunder and lightning separated the two vessels and
VICTORIA LAND
265
the Erebus pursued her solitary way to Prince Edward
Islands, where it was hoped a landing could be made.
Marion Island, one of this group, was reached on the
2 1st, but the weather was threatening; it was impos-
sible to land and the Erebus continued her course to the
Crozets running before a heavy westerly gale. „ The
Crozets were reached on the 26th, but the ship ran past
Possession Island, her rendezvous with the Terror and
the quarters of a sealing party to which Ross had
promised a Cape Town merchant to convey some stores ;
so that nearly a week was spent beating up against the
westerly winds of the “ roaring forties ” and standing
off and on during gales in order to recover the ground
lost in a few hours. At length on May 1st it was pos-
sible to communicate with the shore and the sealers were
found looking more like Eskimos than civilised beings,
but far filthier than any members of that Arctic race that
Ross had ever seen. They had been eighteen months on
the island and were expecting a ship to bring them
home instead of the orders which now reached them to
stay on for an indefinite time. No landing was made
from the Erebus and she held on her course for Kergue-
len Land, where she met the Terror in Christmas Har-
bour on May 14th.
A magnetic and an astronomical observatory were
fitted up on shore at the head of Christmas Harbour
and the systematic observations made on May 29th and
30th, two of the days set apart for simultaneous observa-
tions at all the European and British stations, proved
of exceptional interest. They happened to be days of
great magnetic disturbance and it was subsequently
proved that every movement of the needle at Kerguelen
was simultaneous with a similar movement of the needle
VICTORIA LAND
267
tinue at work for a few hours more in order to finish
the job, for which of course they could expect neither
pay nor privilege. This request was refused as it
would have involved encroaching on the early hours of
Sunday.
During their stay at Hobart the officers of the expe-
dition were received with the utmost hospitality by Sir
John Franklin. The diary of Mr. McCormick shows
that he dined every alternate Monday at Government
House in order to take part in the meetings of the Tas-
manian Natural History Society which were held there
at the Governor’s invitation. This Society developed
into the Royal Society of Tasmania, and the earliest
paper communicated to it was the description of a fossil
tree by Hooker. Balls, concerts, picnics and entertain-
ments of every kind were lavished on the members of
the expedition, who enjoyed to the full their last glimpse
of civilisation before plunging into the unknown world
of ice. Franklin assisted personally in the magnetic
observations on the international term days, when it was
necessary to enlist the aid of volunteers to carry on a
double set of readings in the permanent and temporary
observatories.
News was received at Hobart which weighed heavily
on the mind of the leader of the expedition. Notices in
the Australian newspapers acquainted him with the
doings of Dumont D’Urville’s ships in the previous year
and the letter from Wilkes, to which reference has
already been made, gave information as to the American
discoveries in the very region to which the Erebus and
Terror were bound in pursuance of the Admiralty in-
structions. There is no doubt that Ross was very angry
at being forestalled, though as we have seen Wilkes’s
266 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
in Toronto almost at its antipodes. The ships remained
at their anchorage for more than two months; furious
gales were experienced on forty-five days in that time,
and there were only two days on which neither rain nor
snow fell, but the magnetic observations were kept up
hourly day and night without a break. An opportunity
was afforded for the ships’ companies to become ac-
quainted with penguins as an article of diet, and Ross,
who resembled his great predecessor Cook in his power
of digesting strange food, experimented on other sea
birds also.
The observatories were taken down, and on July 20th,
1840, the Erebus and Terror left Christmas Harbour.
The weather was exceedingly tempestuous, the boat-
swain of the Erebus was blown from the rigging and
drowned, four men of the party who attempted to rescue
him nearly sharing the same fate, and the two ships
were soon separated not to meet again until they arrived
at Hobart Town on August 16th.
Sir John Franklin, the Governor of Van Diemen’s
Land, was ready to receive the expedition and furthered
its progress in every possible way. He had all the ma-
terials ready for building a magnetic observatory and
the day after the Erebus arrived he assisted Captain
Ross to select a site which received the appropriate
name of Rossbank. By dint of hard work the observa-
tory was finished and ready for work a few hours before
the international simultaneous observations of August
27th had to be commenced. The interest which every-
one in the colony took in the work of the expedition
was curiously shown by the gang of convicts who had
been engaged in roofing the observatory from 6 a. m. to
10 p. m. one Saturday, begging to be allowed to con-
268 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
instructions, dated a year before his own, left that officer
no choice but to proceed on the course he followed, and
in any case the high seas are free to all to sail where
they will or can.
Ross however interpreted his instructions in the light
of the large discretion that had been left to him. His
reasoning was that of a sailor rather than a man of
science, based on patriotic rather than scientific consid-
erations and revealing incidentally that, specialist as he
was, his mind ran no less on geographical discovery than
on terrestrial magnetism. Fortunately in this case the
reasoning led right. He says :
“ Impressed with the feeling that England had ever
led the way of discovery in the southern as well as in the
northern regions, I considered it would have been incon-
sistent with the preeminence she has ever maintained if
we were to follow in the footsteps of the expedition of
any other nation. I therefore resolved at once to avoid
all interference with their discoveries and selected a
much more easterly meridian (170° E.), on which to en-
deavour to penetrate to the southward, and if possible
reach the magnetic pole.”
The reason he selected this meridian was that on it
Balleny two years before had found an open sea in
69° S.
The new plans once adopted and the magnetic obser-
vations at Hobart being placed under the charge of
Lieutenant Kay and two mates, preparations were made
for the expedition to put to sea. Stores had been com-
pleted, officers and men were in the best of health and
the highest of spirits, looking forward eagerly to the
adventures that lay before them. On November 12th,
1840, Sir John Franklin came on board the Erebus at
VICTORIA LAND
269
7.30 a. m. and accompanied the ships to the mouth of the
river, leaving at 1.30, when the crews manned the rig-
ging and saluted the Arctic hero with three cheers as
they passed out on their own great voyage. How gladly
Franklin would have left the troubles of his uncongenial
governorship to face the lighter difficulties of navi-
gating an unknown and ice encumbered sea was prob-
ably not suspected by his friends; nor could he or they
foresee the tragic bond that was to associate him with
the ships which were now bound south. The Auckland
Islands were reached on the 20th and a landing made to
set up the magnetic observatory in readiness for the next
international term day. Two conspicuous notices were
found recording the call of the Astrolabe, Zelee and
Porpoise in March of the same year on their return from
their voyages along the Antarctic circle.
Sail was made again on December 12th and next day
Campbell Island was reached and in getting the ships
into Perseverance harbour there, both of them went
aground, but were soon got afloat again without damage,
the Erebus being warped off by hawsers made fast to the
trees on shore; the Terror floated off by the rising tide.
Both here and at the Auckland Islands Dr. Hooker made
large botanical collections, working up the flora of the
islands to a surprising extent considering the very short
time at his disposal and the rough nature of the country
away from the shore.
Ross now decided to proceed to the southward on the
meridian of Campbell Island (169° E.), instead of going
on to the meridian of Hobart.
Campbell Island was left behind on December 17th,
and joy- a:nd satisfaction beamed on every face as the
crews knew that nothing now lay between them and their
270 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
goal. The increasing number of petrels of various
species, the penguins which began to appear and the
albatrosses sweeping round the ships raised hopes of the
proximity of land. The weather was not too favourable,
midsummer as it was. The Christmas dinner was eaten
while laying-to in a gale of wind, Captain Ross — who,
following the custom of the navy, messed alone — was on
this occasion the guest of the officers in the gun-room.
Two days later the first iceberg was seen in 63° 20' S.,
and before night fifteen were in sight. A great many
whales were seen, so tame that they allowed the ships
to pass quite close to them. They were “ the common
black kind, greatly resembling, but said to be distinct
from the Greenland whale,” and any number of them
might have been killed.
On the 30th the ships crossed Bellingshausen's track
in 64° 38' S., 1 730 10' E., and as it fell calm in the
afternoon a sounding was taken with 5000 fathoms of
line on the reel, and bottom was struck at 1560 fathoms.
Temperature observations were made; but as the spe-
cial thermometers designed to withstand the pressure of
the water which had been ordered to reach the expedi-
tion at Hobart Tov/n had not been received, the results
were of no value. This day the beautiful snow-petrel
appeared, its body of spotless white with jet black beak
and legs, a premonition of the approach of ice, for it
was soon discovered that the bird never strays far from
the main pack.
At 9- a. m. on the last day of the year a long line of
ice appeared on the horizon which soon proved to be
the edge of the pack. The weather fell calm and the
two ships lay in front of the low line of ice unable to
approach or to retire from it. Other Antarctic ex-
(From a photograph taken by the National Antarctic Expedition.)
VICTORIA LAND
271
plorers in a like position would have whistled for a wind
to carry them out of the reach of the ice, but not those
on board the Erebus and Terror. Never before had the
Antarctic circle been approached by ships for which the
ice-pack had no terrors. Cook had to retire before the
pack-edge in his strong north-country colliers, the sealers
in their little craft, the circumnavigators of Russia,
France and America dared not venture within it for their
ships would have been crushed like egg-shells in the
grinding ice. To all his predecessors therefore the edge
of the pack was as effectual a barrier as the glacier
fronts that girdle the Antarctic land, but to Ross it was
only an encumbered path. Early on the morning of
New Year’s Day, 1841, a breeze rose and the ships
moved up towards the pack and the same afternoon
crossed the Antarctic circle. There was a heavy swell
and too little wind to give the vessels steerage way
amongst the ice, so they held off, while the crews were
entertained by the issue of extra rations and the presen-
tation to each man of the special warm clothing provided
for the polar seas, including the quaint form of head-
covering known as a Welsh wig. An iceberg was seen
next morning much discoloured with earthy matter and
carrying a large block of stone, specimens of which were
taken. This first evidence of Antarctic land proved to
be a rock of volcanic origin. A fresh breeze sprang up,
but with it came fog and snow-showers and Ross stood
to the northward not anxious to commence navigation
in the ice in unfavourable conditions. The setting sun
took 17 1 minutes to sink from sight as it skimmed along
the southern horizon and commenced to rise again im-
mediately afterwards.
The pack was at length entered on the morning of
272 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
January 5th, No ships had ever before been able to make
so determined an attack on the secret of the south pole.
After about an hour’s hard thumping from the heavy
ice of the pack edge the ships forced their way into a
series of open holes connected by lanes of water. Most
of the ice was of one year’s growth, but here and there
were hummocky masses formed by pressure in much
older ice, the whole however was far less formidable than
the reports of earlier explorers had led Ross to expect.
By noon in latitude 66° 55' S. and longitude 1740 34' E.
it was no longer possible to make out the open sea from
the mast-head, nothing but ice could be seen on every
side. The leads which opened before them enabled the
ships to pick their way southward without great diffi-
culty though collisions with the ice occasionally occurred
so violent as to have been fatal to any ships less strongly
fortified. A remarkable appearance of land was re-
ported, the illusion being so perfect that many on board
would not believe that it was merely a cloud of a firm
and mountain-like outline until the ships had actually
passed over the position it had appeared to occupy.
Flocks of penguins followed the ship, attracted by the
sailors’ imitation of their own cries, and though the birds
floundered more slowly over the ice than the ships could
sail along it, they soon caught up when they took to the
water, playing round the vessels like porpoises. The
dark sky indicative of open water now appeared in the
southeast, but the pack grew closer and progress was
very slow, the whole pack drifting steadily to the north-
ward. By taking advantage of every opportunity of
progress, at 5 a. m. on January 9th the ships ran out of
the pack into the open sea to the south, reaching 69°
15' 5. in 176° 15' E at noon. An easterly gale sprang
VICTORIA LAND 273
up and when it moderated next day not a particle of ice
•was to be seen, nothing appeared but open sea.
It was an epoch in the history of discovery : the magic
wall from before which every previous explorer had to
turn back in despair, had fallen into fragments at the
first determined effort to break through it. The oppor-
tunity opening before the triumphant ships was one of
those that occur but once or twice in the course of the
ages — the first seafarer to pass the Pillars of Hercu-
les, Diaz when he doubled the Cape of Storms, Columbus
when he sighted the West Indies, Balboa when he first
saw the Pacific “ silent upon a peak in Darien,” Magel-
lan when he forced his way through his strait into
the trackless ocean had experienced similar moments.
It was impossible to predict how much might lie beyond
that unbroken expanse of clear sea. The expedition
seemed to be a success at its very start. The course was
set for the south, straight for the magnetic pole which
the increasing dip of the needle, now 85°, showed could
not be very far away. Just as hopes of reaching the
magnetic pole were at their height came the report of
land ahead, a discovery that was actually a disappoint-
ment, coming as it did in the form of an obstacle to the
immediate attainment of the principal object of the ex-
pedition.
The land was first seen at a distance of fully one
hundred miles, its lofty peaks rose higher and higher
as the ships steered straight for the culminating sum-
mit, to which Ross gave the name of Mount Sabine
after “ the first proposer and one of the most active and
zealous promoters of the expedition.” At 6 p. m. on Jan-
uary nth the land was only a few miles distant, but the
wind was blowing on-shore and the surf wras beating
274 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
upon a line of heavy pack-ice, making a landing im-
possible. A notable promontory of the new coastline
opposite the position of the ships was named Cape Adare
after Viscount Adare, M.P., who had been one of the
warm supporters of the expedition. It stood up in high
dark cliffs of apparently volcanic rock in strong con-
trast to the snow-covered heights behind and the white
ice-pack in front. Two great ranges of mountains were
now plainly to be seen, for the evening was perfectly
clear and the snowy summits stood out sharply against
the sky, their heights ranging from 7000 to 10,000 feet
above sea level. Here and there black rocks broke
through the covering of snow, here and there from the
valleys great glaciers projected for several miles into
the sea and terminated in perpendicular cliffs of solid
ice.
The range of mountains running to the northwest
from behind Cape Adare Ross called the Admiralty Range
and on each peak he enthroned the name of one of the
Lords of the Admiralty under whose orders he was
serving. This happy Board of Admiralty which looks
out forever over Ross Sea consisted as the map will
always remind us, of Earl Minto, First Lord, Admiral
Sir Charles Adam and Admiral Sir William Parker, the
two senior Naval Lords, Admiral Sir Edward Trou-
faridge, Captain Sir Samuel Pechell and Lord Dalmeny,
the Junior Lords. P'ew indeed would now remember these
names had they not been so commemorated. The ships
were full of jubilation that for the first time since Bel-
lingshausen’s voyage the most southerly known land of
the globe was once more a British discovery.
The magnetic observations indicated that the pole for
which the expedition was bound lay about 500 miles to
Admiralty Range.
(From a photograph taken by the National Antarctic Expedition.)
VICTORIA LAND
275
the southwest, straight across the land. It was necessary
to decide whether the effort to turn the edge of the land
was to be made by following it northwestward or south-
ward from Cape Adare (71 0 S.). The latter course was
adopted as it would be sure at least to lead into higher
latitudes. During the night the ships got within two or
three miles of a group of small islands close inshore,
and on the morning of January 12th, 1841, Ross and
Crozier, leaving the ships in the charge of the first lieu-
tenants, got into their boats and pulled toward the shore
to try to land. The coast of the mainland was quite
inaccessible on account of the continuous belt of ice
projecting into the sea beaten upon by heavy surf. A
strong tide carrying with it floating masses of ice ran
between the ice-bound mainland and the group of rocky
islands so that the boats were almost unmanageable.
They were fortunate however in getting into an eddy in
the lee of the largest island and so were able to land on
a beach of large loose stones and lumps of stranded ice.
The weather had changed for the worse and was very
threatening, the ships were flying signals to recall the
boats so that the formalities had to be hastened. No
time was lost in setting up a flagstaff, in hoisting the
Union Jack as it had been hoisted on so many strange
shores in distant seas, though never before on so strange
and distant a land as this, and never in the presence of
so unsavoury and clamourous a crowd of natives. Not
human savages, but “ little old gentlemen in evening
dress/’ as D’Urville called the penguins, assisted in
inconceivable myriads ranged along the ledges and
packed close on the level places of the island, when the
first formula in which the name of Queen Victoria was
pronounced in taking possession of a new land was
276 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
followed by the cheers of the landing party. Possession
Island was the name given, and its position is 71 ° 56' S.,
1710 7' E. No trace of vegetation of any kind was
found, and the penguins must have felt they had success-
fully repelled the invaders as amidst their hoarse cries
the men got back into the boats, not a few bleeding
from the attacks of the birds. The stench of the guano
was overpowering and the boats' crews were glad to
get safe on board just before a thick fog and strong
north wind set in which, had they not pulled so lustily,
would have made it impossible to regain the ships and
necessary to return and spend the night among the
penguins.
A heavy storm came on compelling the ships to stand
out to sea, and the captains were relieved to find in the
gale and blinding snow storms that the vessels tossed
violently in a heavy sea, for that proved that they were
not locked in by ice. The wind changed to the south
and blew for two days with unabated force so that it
was all the ships could do to keep their ground. On
the 14th it was again quiet and clear and the ships stood
in toward the new coast passing a great number of
whales, amongst which Ross believed the spirited mer-
chants of Great Britain would soon spread consternation,
and tap for themselves and their country a new source
of national and individual wealth. Next morning the
chain of giant mountains running southward from Cape
Adare formed a spectacle of the utmost grandeur and
magnificence rising with sharply pointed summits to
heights of from 12,000 to 14,000 feet, one sweep of spot-
less snow from sea to sky. To these summits Ross with
happy instinct, gave the names of the leading members
of the Royal Society and the British Association who
Possession Island.
Penguin Hunting.
Sketches from “Ross’s Voyage to the Southern Seas”
| To face />. 276.
VICTORIA LAND
2 77
had promoted the expedition, and so the names of
the members of the various committees of advice stand
in line with those of the contemporary Lords of the
Admiralty.
As the ships beat to windward south along the
coast they were still attended by flocks of penguins play-
ing round them like porpoises. Constant soundings were
taken and the depth was found to range between 60 and
92 fathoms at a distance of between two and four miles
from the shore. The coast was keenly scanned for any
harbour in which it would be possible to secure the
ships and allow of observations on shore on the next
international term-day which was now approaching; but
every valley of the land appeared to end in a bay so full
of glacier ice as to afford no shelter. The wind con-
tinued contrary and it was hard work to keep the
position already gained, while the brief navigable season
was slipping past with little prospect of getting farther
south despite the open sea. On the 17th a new point of
land appeared which Ross, true to the sailor’s tradition,
called Cape Anne after his fiancee whose birthday it
happened to be, and as the land proved to be an island,
it was named Coulman Island after the lady’s father,
while the north end was called Cape Wadworth in mem-
ory of her uncle’s house Wadworth Hall, “ a spot of
many happy associations.”
After this auspicious event the weather improved, a
southwesterly wind enabled a course to be made to the
south-southeast, away from the land but into an abso-
lutely unexplored and ice-free sea. Tacking back to-
ward land new mountains appeared to the southward
and the founders and secretaries of the British Associa-
tion were commemorated in their names.
278 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Lying becalmed one day Ross had a dredge put over
in 270 fathoms and was rewarded by a rich haul of
rock-fragments dropped by the icebergs and a surpris-
ing profusion of animal life. One of the finds named
Idotea Baffini from its occurrence in Baffin Bay had
previously been considered peculiar to the Arctic Seas.
It was the first form of life which appeared to flourish
in both polar seas and to be absent from the whole
ocean between.
At length a fair wind came, the ships made all sail
for the south, every scrap of canvas was hoisted that
could be rigged, and with studding-sails set on both
sides the Erebus and Terror ran to the southward,
officers and crews too excited to sleep and hardly leav-
ing the deck in case they should miss the first sight of
something new. Even after the fog and snow which
were found to accompany north winds in those seas had
set in, the ships held on their way, approaching the lati-
tude of 740 S. on January 20th.
A mountain higher than any previously seen was
sighted on the 21st and named Mt. Melbourne in honour
of the Prime Minister, who had given so encouraging
a reception to the promotors of the expedition. It was
a mountain so strikingly similar in outline to Mount
Etna that on both ships it went at first by that name.
A field of close unbroken ice extended outward from
the shore and it was hopeless to try to penetrate it, so
the ships sailed on along its edge, but the winds and cur-
rents were baffling and it was scarcely possible to make
progress. The night of Saturday, January 22nd, 1841,
was exquisitely clear and beautiful, the sun at midnight
skimmed along the southern horizon four times its own
diameter above the sea-line. An extra allowance of grog
VICTORIA LAND
279
was served out to let the sailors rejoice that Weddell’s
farthest toward the south pole had been surpassed and
they were now at last the pioneers of the human race in
that direction. Captain Ross spent the evening in the
gun-room with his officers and all drank the toast of
“ Better luck still.” The ships continued along the edge
of the pack that fringed the land to the eastward,
the dip of the needle increased to 88° and the mag-
netic pole was now calculated to be less than 250 miles
away.
On January 27th the latitude of 76° 8' S. was reached
and an island discovered which was called after Sir John
Franklin. Here a landing was made with much diffi-
culty and Dr. Hooker, whose turn it was to join the
landing party, slipped into the water in jumping ashore
and was in great danger of being crushed between the
boat and the rocks. The ceremony of taking possession
was hastened in consequence, and all in the party were
thoroughly drenched by the spray before they got back
to the ships. A large collection of rock specimens was
secured, but the island showed no sign of vegetation
and from the absence of any plant life from Possession
Island also Ross somewhat rashly concluded that the
vegetable kingdom had no representatives on the Ant-
arctic lands.
It had been a memorable day and at midnight it
merged into one of still more remarkable achievement.
Several distant islands were logged by the Erebus, but
they did not appear on the chart because a nearer ap-
proach made it evident that they were mountain sum-
mits on the mainland. As the light strengthened on
January 28th the summit of the loftiest peak, which
seemed to be veiled in driving snow drift was discovered
280 siege of the south pole
to be really emitting dense volumes of smoke. The
ships approached nearer and the smoke was seen to be
shot with flames or lit up by the dull glare of molten
lava lying within the crater, while some on board even
declared that they saw streams of red hot lava pouring
down the snow. The land from which this mountain
rose was provisionally called “ High Island,” and be-
sides the huge volcano, towering to a height of 12,400
feet and appropriately named Mount Erebus after
the leading ship, there was another summit but little
lower (10,900 feet), which received the name of Mount
Terror.
The discovery was of a thrilling nature. A “burning
mountain ” was the last phenomenon of Nature that
was to be looked for amidst the eternal ice of the far
south, though indeed the observation of Balleny on the
islands that bear his name two years before might almost
have prepared one for it. As the Erebus and Terror
afloat approached the Erebus and Terror enthroned on
High Island it was with the hope of passing that island
and penetrating far beyond. Ross said that in imagina-
tion they were already south of the eightieth parallel and
they had even appointed a rendezvous in that latitude in
case the ships should get separated. But this was only a
dream. In the clear sunshine a line of white cliffs was
made out running east from High Island and when ap-
proached this was found to be a mighty wall of ice
unlike anything that had ever been seen before by anyone
on board. To penetrate this barrier was as impossible
as to sail through the cliffs of Dover, all that could be
done was to try to get round it. Curiously enough the
opinion as to the nature of this most southerly land
which was formed when it was first sighted was correct ;
(From u Ross’s Voyage to
VICTORIA LAND 281
but on approaching nearer Ross convinced himself that
High Island was no island, but part of the continent
and he caught sight of high land over the wall of ice
which he believed to be a great range of mountains run-
ning southward from Cape Crozier, the point where the
rocks of the land and the ice of the barrier met. Years
before Sir Edward Parry had given Ross’s name to the
most northerly known land on the globe, and with a due
sense of the fitness of things, Ross gave the name of
Parry Mountains to this most southerly chain. For
sixty-three years this fine example of a grateful mem-
ory graced the map, though all that now remains is
another warning that in the polar regions the sense of
sight is apt to play sad tricks — for the Parry mountains
do not exist, and Erebus and Terror after all are the
peaks of an island separated from the mainland of
Antarctica.
The dip and declination of the magnetic needle
showed that the ships were now south as well as east of
the position of the magnetic pole towards which the heavy
land-ice made it impossible to approach by steering to
the westward. The only thing that could be done was to
follow the edge of the ice-barrier to the eastward in
the hope that it would ultimately trend to the south-
ward. The ships accordingly approached within three
or four miles of the perpendicular ice cliffs, which rose
smooth and solid to the height of from 200 to 300 feet
and formed a straight line against the sky. Even from
the masthead it was impossible to see over the wall, and
all that could be ascertained regarding it was that it
was flat-topped. The swell broke in a heavy surf upon
the ice, and the sea was seen to have hollowed caves in
the lower part of the ice-wall. Mount Erebus, towering
282 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
above the ships, suddenly broke into violent eruption,
throwing out a column of smoke between 200 and 300
feet in diameter to a height of from 1500 to 2000 feet.
The display commenced about 4 p. m. and continued in
spasmodic spurts of smoke at intervals of about half an
hour.
Not only the officers, but all the crews, were filled with
admiration at the sights they saw, though the working of
the ships left little time for contemplation. As the irre-
pressible Irish blacksmith of the Erebus put it, when
writing a description of the first-seen land — “ My friend
if I could only view and study the Sublimity of Nature — •
but, lo, I had to pull the brails ! ” Nevertheless he had
time to burst into song:
“ Awful and sublime, magnificent and rare,
No other earthly object with the Barrier can compare!”
For five days the ships worked their way eastward,
keeping the barrier in sight for the most part, but some-
times making detours to the north to escape the floating
ice. Soundings were taken at frequent intervals and
the depths found to vary between 250 and 500 fathoms.
At places it would appear that the great Southern Bar-
rier was resting on the bottom, but at other places it was
undoubtedly afloat, and the huge flat-topped bergs which
drifted northward with the current were obviously por-
tions of the mass that had broken off. The size of
the bergs may be realised from the remark of a sailor
that the whole of London might float away on one of
them. Experienced as Ross was in all the forms of
Arctic ice the gigantic dimensions of the great Southern
Barrier were as amazing to him as to anyone on board.
When, on February 2nd, the ships got close up to the
VICTORIA LAND
283
barrier and reached the highest latitude for the trip,
78° 4' S., they had followed the icy wall, though some-
times at too great a distance to see it, for a continuous
length of 250 miles. At that point it was 160 feet high,
the cliffs of ice rising sheer from the water, and con-
sidering the depth, it must have been afloat so that the
total thickness of this sheet of continental ice could not
have been less than a thousand feet.
Nearly every day a bottle containing a note of the
position of the ship was thrown overboard, in the hope
that they might ultimately be picked up and throw some
light on the currents of the Southern Ocean. But in
those days the southern continents were but thinly
peopled, and it is not altogether surprising that none of
the messengers from the edge of the ice ever appeared
again. The days were full of work and anxiety, for the
cold was becoming severe, the pack-ice was sometimes
so dense as to imprison the ships in a pond of water in
which they had little room to manoeuvre, and young ice
was beginning to form. A bay was observed in the edge
of the barrier in about 187° E., and here the ice-wall, at
one point, was only fifty feet high, and for the first time
it was possible to catch a glimpse of the upper surface.
The Erebus stood in to within a quarter of a mile of the
ice-cliffs at 5.40 a. m. on the 9th, Ross stating that he
could not permit himself to relinquish so favourable an
opportunity of getting quite close to it. McCormick,
however, who had spent the whole twenty-four hours
of continuous daylight on deck, insinuates that the officer
of the watch, instigated by himself, ran the ship in so
close that the ice-cliffs took the wind from her sails as
she tried to go about, and while she hung in stays the
captain came on deck and rated the lieutenant in charge
284 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
for venturing so near. McCormick’s strictures on the
captain, however, do not always bear critical examina-
tion.
The farthest east reached had been 167° W., on Feb-
ruary 5th, and, although the ships struggled for another
week to explore the edge of the barrier farther in that
direction, they did not get so far again and Ross was
at length obliged very reluctantly to give up the attempt
for the season. On February 14th, the expedition turned
back toward the magnetic pole in order to seek a harbour
in which they might lie safely for the winter. Franklin
Island was sighted next day, for the wind had been
favourable and the sea open. On the 16th, Mount Ere-
bus was in sight in magnificent eruption, and it was then
that the island on which it is situated appeared to form
part of the continent. The deep bight to the southwest
was named McMurdo Bay, but instead of examining it
closely, Ross turned northwards in order to make one
more attempt to land in the latitude of the magnetic
pole. The pack lay thick along the coast of Victoria
Land, and it was impossible to get nearer the shore than
15 or 16 miles, so after consultation with Crozier, Ross
decided to give up the attempt, and as he could see no
place in which it seemed practicable to winter he resolved
to return to Hobart as speedily as possible.
This decision was not an agreeable one to arrive at
He says :
“ It was, nevertheless, painfully vexatious to behold
at an easily accessible distance under other circumstances
the range of mountains in which the pole is placed, and
to feel how nearly that chief object of our undertaking
had been accomplished; and but few can understand the
deep feelings of regret with which I felt myself corn-
Ross’s Chart of the Great Southern Barrier, with the Track of the “Discovery” added.
VICTORIA LAND
285
pelled to abandon the perhaps too ambitious hope I
had so long cherished of being permitted to plant the
flag of my country on both the magnetic poles of our
globe.”
The very flag that had been raised at the North mag-
netic pole was, in fact, on board the Erebus ready for
its second service if the fates had been kind. The range
amongst which the magnetic pole was believed to lie
was named the Albert Mountains, and the name of
Victoria, which has since been given to a colony, to many
towns, lakes, rivers, and mountains, was given first of all
to “ the whole of the great southern land we had dis-
covered, and whose continuity we had traced from the
seventieth to the seventy-ninth degree of latitude.” The
name was thus evidently intended to apply to the Ant-
arctic continent, not merely to the stretch of coast which
had been followed southward. One other name was be-
stowed before the land dropped from sight. This was
Cape Washington, a headland to the south of Mt. Mel-
bourne, called for the former secretary of the Royal
Geographical Society, whose strenuous advocacy of the
renewal of Antarctic research, although falling on deaf
ears in the council of his society had, as we have seen,
helped to stimulate, not only British, but also French
interest in exploration to the south.
The season was rapidly advancing and the whole sur-
face of the sea was curdling with young ice when Ross
realised that there was no good place to winter in and
that it was necessary to return northward. It was some-
what difficult to escape from this ice which was too
strong for the ships to sail through with a light breeze,
and at the same time not firm enough for men to work
the ice-saws upon it. It was ultimately broken up by the
286 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
use of boats, the weight of which cracked the ice and
opened a way for the ships to reach clear water.
On February 21st, the ships were once more off Cape
Adare, and several days were spent searching along the
ice-bound coast for a harbour in which it would be pos-
sible to winter, or at least for a place where a landing
could be made, but neither could be seen, although the
weather was clear and bright, affording fine views of the
land which was finally lost sight of on February 28th.
The approach of winter was now heralded by the length-
ening nights which allowed the aurora australis to ap-
pear for the first time. Whales of great size were very
numerous, and Ross believing them to be a valuable
species looked on them as hopeful pioneers of explora-
tion tempting the whaling fleets to visit those seas, but
much more than half a century was destined to pass
away before a whale-ship ventured within a thousand
miles of them.
The ships were steering northwestward, and on March
2nd they sighted two lofty islands or mountains at a
great distance. These were almost certainly part of the
Balleny group, but they received new names on the occa-
sion of their rediscovery — Russell Peak and Smyth
Island. Two days later a third was sighted and named
Francis Island. A strong appearance of land to the
westward, high and broken into islands, was also made
out before thick weather blotted out the distance. In
the evening the Antarctic circle was crossed northwards
after the expedition had spent the unprecedented time
of sixty-three days continuously to the south of it. A
good look-out was now kept for the mountainous land
on Wilkes’s chart, which Ross naturally supposed to rep-
resent one of the discoveries of the American expedition,
VICTORIA LAND 287
though Wilkes, as we have seen, subsequently explained
it as a clumsy attempt to show the approximate position
of Balleny Islands. One of the officers indeed reported
an appearance of land bearing in the exact direction of
the Balleny Islands, but these were seventy or eighty
miles distant. Although Wilkes had claimed no per-
sonal discoveries so far to the east, the opinion pre-
vailed on board the British ships that they had sailed
over a part of the “ Antarctic Continent ” of the Ameri-
can exploring expedition. We have discussed the un-
pleasant episode of the controversy in sufficient detail in
an earlier chapter.
It remained to traverse the belt of pack-ice which in-
tervened between the comparatively open sea to the south
along Victoria Land and the ocean. This was a task of
danger and difficulty, but it was accomplished without
damage, thanks to the skill born of long experience with
which the ships were handled, and by March 20th the
pack was cleared.
A point of interest in magnetic theory remained to be
cleared up, and as his crews were in excellent health,
Ross sailed along the pack to the westward in order to
determine the magnetic dip on the line of no variation in
longitude 135 0 E. This was done in a thorough manner
and on some days when the wind fell calm the insatiable
explorer had the boats out and took deep-sea soundings,
one of them striking bottom in the depth very rarely
measured in those days of 1540 fathoms.
On April 6th, 1841, Ross had the pride and satisfac-
tion of sailing into the Derwent River in Van Diemen’s
Land, after an absence of 145 days in the Antarctic
regions, with his ships in as good condition as when they
started, with every man who sailed with him still on
288 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
board, and all in perfect health. Rarely, if ever, has an
explorer come in from unknown seas with so great a
load of discovery and so complete an absence of bad
news as the Erebus and Terror brought back from the
first voyage beyond the 75th degree of south latitude.
CHAPTER XIV
HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES IN THE ICE
“The ice was here, the ice was there,
The ice was all around.
It cracked and growled, and roared and howled
Like noises in a swound.”
— Coleridge.
SIR JOHN FRANKLIN, the last to take leave of the
departing ships, was the first to greet the returning
heroes of the Antarctic when the Erebus and Terror
dropped anchor in the Derwent on the morning of April
7th, 1841, and it is easy to imagine the enthusiasm of the
“ heroic sailor soul ” when he heard of the great achieve-
ments of the summer. Communication with the mother-
country was slow in those days and three months had to
elapse before the news was received in London. Amongst
all who were interested in the progress of discovery or
in the affairs of the navy there was but one feeling of
satisfaction and pride that the renewal of British naval
exploration had been rewarded with such splendid re-
sults. The Royal Geographical Society, though it had
taken no part in promoting the expedition, was prompt
in its praise, and at the next distribution of its annual
awards the Founders Medal was adjudged to Captain
Ross.
For the wearied members of the expedition the stay
in Hobart was paradise enough. They were feted by
the Governor and the people. A special play entitled
289
19
29o SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
“ The Antarctic Expedition ” was composed and per-
formed in their honour, a compliment kindly meant,
though as one of the spectators remarked, “it was but
rather indifferently got up and not much better acted.”
There were parties and picnics ashore, and in return the
officers gave a grand ball on board the two ships. The
Erebus connected with the shore for the purpose by a
covered bridge of boats, was the ball-room, the Terror
moored close alongside her consort, and entered by
covered gangways, was the supper-room, and the enter-
tainment lasted til) 4 a. m.
Three months were spent in well-earned rest and re-
freshment, but by no means in idleness, for the ships
were refitted, the magnetic observations kept up, and Dr.
Hooker, with the few other members of the expedition
who were inclined to scientific studies, made valu-
able collections in the course of their excursions, which
threw much light on the geology and botany of Tas-
mania.
On July 7th, the two ships sailed for a cruise in the
warmer Australasian seas, and a week later they entered
Port Jackson. The people of Sydney, who remembered
the visit of Bellingshausen twenty years before, and had
so recently seen much of the French and American ex-
peditions, were now, for the first time, able to examine
ships thoroughly equipped for service in the ice, which
had in consequence been able to cross the Antarctic pack
and penetrate to the edge of the great barrier. While
the Australians satisfied their curiosity and offered their
hospitality the Antarctic officers were hard at work in-
stalling a magnetic observatory on Garden Island — for
the more desirable site at Fort Macquarie, where Wilkes
had made his observations in 1839 had been rendered
HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES 291
useless for magnetic work by the erection of fortifications
containing such masses of metal in the guns and cannon
balls as to disturb the needles. The preparations were
delayed by bad weather, and on one day a total rainfall
of 8^ inches was registered — one-third of the quantity
that usually falls in a year in the east of England. All
was ready, however, for the term-day on July 21st,
when simultaneous magnetic observations were made
at hourly intervals in all parts of the world. This work
over, the expedition sailed as soon as the instruments
could be dismounted and brought on board.
They left Sydney on August 5th, and the Erebus made
great efforts to keep ahead of a merchant ship which
left the harbour at the same time; but the usual fate
of the leading ship of a squadron befell her and she had
to shorten sail to wait for the Terror to come up, allow-
ing the merchantman to sail away to the great mortifica-
tion of the man-of-war.
For three months the Erebus and Terror lay at anchor
in the Bay of Islands on the northeast coast of the North
Island of New Zealand. Much valuable collecting work
was done on shore, but the officers were not allowed to
make any long excursions from the ships on account of
the growing discontent of the aboriginal Maoris with the
ways of the white man. It is not our province to chroni-
cle the holiday tasks of Antarctic explorers ; however, two
incidents in the direct line of our narrative must be men-
tioned— the meeting of two foreign men-of-war. One
of these was the French corvette Heroine, whose com-
mander gave Captain Ross a chart showing the dis-
coveries of D’Urville, which he had not previously seen.
The other was the American corvette Yorktown, through
whose commander, Captain Aulick, the circumstance of
292 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
the British expedition having sailed over what was rep-
sented as land in Wilkes’s map, obtained premature cur-
rency with unfortunate results.
The approach of the southern summer at length made
it possible to return to Antarctic waters. Live stock and
fresh provisions of all kinds had been taken on board
until the deck looked like a farmyard, and on November
23rd, 1841, the Erebus and Terror sailed from the Bay
of Islands, accompanied for a few hours by H. M. S.
Favourite, Commander Sulivan, who was stationed there.
1 he weather proved fine and good progress was made to
the southeastward, the object being to endeavour to find
a way to the ice-barrier beyond the farthest point reached
on the previous trip. Much time was spent on the way
in ascertaining the temperature of the sea at great depths
in order to find the point at which the temperature was
uniform from surface to bottom. It was believed that
along a certain line in the Southern Ocean an invariable
temperature of 39.5 0 F. was maintained from surface to
bottom all the year round; to the north of this line the
surface water was warmer, and to the south of it the
surface water was colder than the great mass of water
below. Ross located this circle of uniform temperature
in 55° 18' S. on December 13th; but the thermometers
with which he was provided were probably not ade-
quately protected against the excessive pressure which
prevails at great depths, and consequently the results
were not to be trusted. There is, as a matter of fact, no
part of the open ocean either in the south temperate or
even in the tropical zone where water so warm as 39.5 0
F. is found at the bottom where the depth exceeds 1000
fathoms.
The weather grew cold and an intense fog set in, con-
HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES 293
cealing each ship from her consort, although they were so
near that the orders given on one vessel were distinctly
heard on the other. When the fog lifted it was to show
the first iceberg, a flat-topped ice-island rising 130 feet
above the surface of the water, its sides caverned by the
action of the waves and a long line of loose pieces fallen
from it tailing away to leeward. This was in latitude
58° S. and longitude 146° W., the meridian on which
the new attempt to reach a high latitude was to be made.
The course was now altered to due south, and on Decem-
ber 18th, the edge of the ice-pack was met with a little
south of the sixtieth parallel. The pack was loose and
the ships sailed through it for about thirty miles before
it grew heavier and compelled a change of course to the
southwest. The look-out from the crow’s-nest at the
masthead guided the ships from one pool of open water
to another through the lightest part of the intervening
pack, making slow progress. The life of those seas
swarmed about the ships, curious but not alarmed. The
numerous whales seemed almost to take the vessels for
fellow-cetaceans and they scarcely moved aside for them
and once the Erebus passed right over a whale and ex-
perienced a shock which started a discussion as to
whether the ship had struck the whale or the whale had
struck the ship. The opportunity was taken to land the
magnetic instruments on a large piece of the floe in order
to reverify the correction allowed for the attraction of
the iron on board.
The Antarctic Circle was approached on Christmas
day, the ships working to and fro in the pack wherever
a lead seemed to open, and usually shrouded in fog. But
the few miles required to reach the Antarctic regions
proper were not made until the end of the year. On the
294 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
30th the wind fell and the two ships were moored, one
on each side of the largest piece of floating ice, so that
they might not drift against each other and get dam-
aged. Twelve tons of ice hewn from the floe were
taken on board the Erebus to replenish the water supply,
and some of the ship’s company found it a very chilly
cargo as it gradually melted on the deck. The magnetic
instruments of both ships were tested on the mass of ice
that formed a fender between them, and when the fog-
closed thickly around them one great source of anxiety
was removed for a collision between the two vessels was
impossible. The mass of ice projecting beyond the ships
fore and aft also acted as a buffer against collision with
other bergs, while its size was not so great as to pre-
vent some way being made in a favourable wind with
both vessels under full sail. The crews of the ships had
an opportunity, which they much appreciated, of ex-
changing visits across the ice, as the Erebus and Terror
lay about fifty yards apart the ice became a sort of play-
ground, and a unique ball-room was excavated in it,
adorned with statuary hewn out of ice which, in that cli-
mate had the permanence of marble. The most ambi-
tious effort was a seated Venus, the combined work of
Dr. Hooker and Mr. Davis, the versatile and accomplished
second master of the Terror. Here a great celebration
was held to bring in the new year 1842. The refreshment
room, equipped in true sailor fashion, was a conspicuous
feature of the ball-room, and was furnished by tire
bo’sun, who played the part of landlord of the Antarctic
Hotel with a highly symbolic sign depicting Bacchus,
Britannia, and other figures surrounding the proud title —
“ Pilgrims of the Ocean ” on one side, and on the other,
“ Pioneers of Science.” The arrival of the New Year
HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES 295
was greeted with all the noise that both the crews could
raise, each ship sounding forty-two bells and the men
joining in with all manner of musical and unmusical in-
struments, including the surviving pigs, which the sailors
carried bag-pipe fashion under their arms, squeezing
them until they became vocal in protest. Both captains
entered very heartily into the entertainment which ended
in a great snow-ball fight and left something to talk
about for many a dreary day to come. After the ball
was over the ships drifted across the Antarctic circle
and the polar clothing was issued to the men. By a
curious coincidence it was on the same day of the pre-
vious year that the circle had been crossed on the former
voyage some 1400 miles farther to the west.
Progress on this occasion was exasperatingly slow.
On January 4th the pack and the ships with it were driven
to the northward for twenty miles, so the piece of floe
was dropped and the two vessels recommenced their un-
ceasing tacking and wearing in the small pools of open
water, scarcely a quarter of an hour passing without
having to go about. Then a gale from the south drove
them back to 65° 59' S. on the 10th. In such circum-
stances there was nothing to be done but to hope for a
favourable change, and Ross was fortunately able to
interest himself in the opportunities of scientific work
which abounded. Several of the gigantic penguins first
seen on Cook’s expedition were killed, the weight of the
largest specimen being 75 pounds, and the commander of
the expedition skinned some of them and preserved others
in pickle with his own hands. The capture of these huge
birds was a constant delight to the sailors while in the
pack, and two stalwart tars might sometimes be seen
marching a solemn penguin in custody toward the ship,
296 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
each grasping a flipper. Birds of other kinds, and seals,
too, were secured; but those responsible for the expedi-
tion must have had anxious thoughts for the future as
week after week of the short Antarctic summer went bv
and the ships still drifted with the pack. There was
more immediate anxiety occasionally, for the pack was
so loose that it did not stop the ocean swell, and when a
gale blew the position of the ships amongst the masses
of floating ice was perilous in the extreme.
On January 18th a gale sprang up while the two vessels
were slowly forging through the fog, towing between
them the heavy mass of floe which held them apart. At
midnight the wind went round to the northwest and the
plight of the expedition must be described in Ross’s own
words :
“ All our hawsers breaking in succession, we made
sail on the ships, and kept company during the thick fog
by firing guns, and, by means of the usual signals ; under
the shelter of a berg of nearly a mile in diameter, we
dodged about during the whole day, waiting for clear
weather, that we might select the best leads through the
dispersing pack ; but at 9 p. m. the wind suddenly fresh-
ened to a violent gale from the northward, compelling us
to reduce our sails to a close reefed main-top-sail and
storm-stay-sails ; the sea quickly rising to a fearful height,
breaking over the loftiest bergs, we were unable any
longer to hold our ground, but were driven into the heavy
pack under our lee. Soon after midnight our ships were
involved in an ocean of rolling fragments of ice, hard as
floating rocks of granite, which were dashed against
them by the waves with so much violence that their masts
quivered as if they would fall at every successive blow ;
and the destruction of the ships seemed inevitable from
The “Erebus” and “Terror” in a Gale in the Pack.
(From “ Ross’s Voyage to the Southern Seas? )
HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES 297
the tremendous shocks they received. By backing and
filling the sails, we endeavoured to avoid collision with
the larger masses; but this was not always possible: in
the early part of the storm, the rudder of the Erebus
was so much damaged as to be no longer of any use;
and about the same time I was informed by signal that
the Terror's was completely destroyed, and nearly torn
away from the stern-post. We had hoped that, as we
drifted deeper into the pack, we should get beyond the
reach of the tempest ; but in this we were mistaken. Hour
passed away after hour without the least mitigation of
the awful circumstances in which we were placed. In-
deed, there seemed to be but little probability of our
ships holding together much longer, so frequent and
violent were the shocks they sustained. The loud crash-
ing noise of the straining and working of the timbers
and decks, as she was driven against some of the heavier
pieces, which all the activity and exertions of our people
could not prevent, was sufficient to fill the stoutest heart,
that was not supported by trust in Him who controls
all events, with dismay ; and I should commit an act of
injustice to my companions if I did not express my
admiration of their conduct on this trying occasion;
throughout a period of twenty-eight hours, during any-
one of which there appeared to be very little hope that
we should live to see another, the coolness, steady obedi-
ence, and untiring exertions of each individual were
every way worthy of British seamen.
“The storm gained its height at 2 p. m., when the
barometer stood at 28.40 inches, and after that time
began to rise. Although we had been forced many miles
deeper into the pack, we could not perceive that the swell
had at all subsided, our ship still rolling and groaning
298 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
amidst the heavy fragments of crushing bergs, over which
the ocean rolled its mountainous waves, throwing huge
masses one upon another, and then again burying them
deep beneath its foaming waters, dashing and grinding
them together with fearful violence. The awful grandeur
of such a scene can neither be imagined nor described,
far less can the feelings of those who witnessed it be un-
derstood. Each of us secured our hold, waiting the issue
with resignation to the will of Him who alone could pre-
serve us, and bring us safely through this extreme danger ;
watching with breathless anxiety the effect of each suc-
ceeding collision, and the vibrations of the tottering
masts, expecting every moment to see them give way
without our having the power to make an effort to save
them.
“ Although the force of the wind had somewhat dimin-
ished by 4 p. m., yet the squalls came on with unabated
violence, laying the ship over on her broadside, and
threatening to blow the storm sails to pieces ; fortunately
they were quite new, or they never could have withstood
such terrific gusts. At this time the Terror was so close
to us, that when she rose to the top of one wave, the
Erebus was on the top of the next to leeward of her;
the deep chasm between them filled with heavy rolling
masses; and as the ships descended into the hollow be-
tween the waves, the main-top-sail yard of each could be
seen just level with the crest of the intervening wave,
from the deck of the other: from this some idea may be
formed of the height of the waves, as well as of the peril-
ous situation of our ships. The night now began to
draw in, and cast its gloomy mantle over the appalling
scene, rendering our condition, if possible, more hope-
less and helpless than before ; but at midnight, the snow,
HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES 299
which had been falling thickly for several hours, cleared
away, as the wind suddenly shifted to the westward, and
the swell began to subside ; and although the shocks our
ships still sustained were such that must have destroyed
any ordinary vessel in less than five minutes, yet they
were feeble compared with those to which we had been
exposed, and our minds became more at ease for their
ultimate safety.
“ During the darkness of the night and the thick
weather we had been carried through a chain of bergs
which were seen in the morning considerably to
windward, and which served to keep off the heavy pres-
sure of the pack, so that we found the ice much more
open, and I was enabled to make my way in one of our
boats to the Terror, about whose condition I was most
anxious, for I was aware that her damages were of a
much more serious nature than those of the Erebus, not-
withstanding the skilful and seamanlike manner in which
she had been managed and by which she maintained her
appointed station throughout the gale.
“ I found that her rudder was completely broken to
pieces, and the fastenings to the stern-post so much
strained and twisted, that it would be very difficult to get
the spare rudder, with which we were fortunately pro-
vided, fitted so as to be useful, and could only be done,
if at all, under very favourable circumstances. The other
damages she had sustained were of less consequence;
and it was as great a satisfaction as it has ever since
been a source of astonishment to us to find that, after
so many hours of constant and violent thumping, both
the vessels were nearly as tight as they were before the
gale. We can only ascribe this to the admirable manner
in which they had been fortified for the service, and to
300 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
our having their holds so stowed as to form a solid mass
throughout.”
As soon as the gale had subsided the first care was to
capture another great fragment of the floe and make it
fast between the two crippled ships, while all hands set
to work to get the ruins of the ponderous rudders un-
shipped and hauled up on deck. The carpenters and
armourers were at work almost without intermission for
two days making good the damage to the rudder of the
Erebus, and constructing an entirely new rudder for the
Terror to keep in reserve while the spare rudder carried
on board was fitted to the ship. By the evening of Janu-
ary 24th the repairs were complete and full sail was made
on both ships, but without making any progress through
the pack which was now drifting bodily northward at the
rate of about half a mile per hour. After all the efforts
of the officers and men, all the buffetings of the ships,
they were again in almost the same position which they
had gained three weeks before.
On January 26th the pack loosened and a northerly
gale enabled the ships at last to move more rapidly than
the great icebergs that had so long convoyed them in
their drift. Next day the ships unmoored from the floe
and resumed their individual struggle with the ice, but
when at last an observation of the sun was possible on
the 28th, they were found only to have reached 67° 39' S.
on the meridian of 136° W. After forcing their way
through more than 800 miles of pack-ice the Erebus and
Terror were thus only half a degree, or 30 miles farther
south than Cook had been on the same meridian without
entering the pack at all. This is only an example of the
uncertainties of polar exploration in ignorance of the
laws of ice-drift or the causes which make one season
HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES 301
differ so remarkably from another, and there was nothing
for it but to struggle on, trying to make way toward
the southwest where there was some appearance of the
existence of open sea. The situation was difficult, and
to add to the troubles of the Terror an alarm of fire was
raised and two feet of water had to be pumped into her
hold before it was extinguished, but fortunately no harm
resulted, as the smoke had been caused by the roasting
of some wood which had been stowed inside the pipes
of the hot air stove and forgotten until the fire had been
lit.
On February ist the appearance of water-sky grew
clearer, and just at dark — for the brief days of the mid-
night sun in those latitudes had passed — the edge of the
pack was descried with the heavy swell of the ocean
beating against the close masses of floating ice and form-
ing a line of fearful breakers. Either a storm or a calm
at this juncture might have been fatal. The commander
felt that at all hazards he must get his ships through the
breakers into the open sea while the breeze held and the
weather was good, for any delay in that zone of turmoil
would mean severe damage and perhaps destruction. The
wind was rising and it was necessary to shorten sail, but
at midnight the Erebus reached the belt of broken water
at the edge of the pack, and after two hours of terrific
thumping and straining the two ships gained the open
sea southwest of the pack in 67° 29' S. and 1590 W. The
object now was to advance southward and at the same
time keep as far to the east as possible so as to strike the
great Southern Barrier beyond the point to which it had
been followed the previous year. The edge of the pack,
however, was found to run south and east, and as the
season was now far advanced it was hopeless to think
302 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
of penetrating it again in the expectation of getting
farther to the east, so the only course was to follow the
edge of the pack, keeping as close to it as possible and
losing no opportunity of getting to the south.
On February 8th in 70° 30' S. and 1730 10' W. a huge
iceberg was observed measuring about four miles in
diameter, and identified by Ross with a berg which had
been seen on February 13th, 1841, in 76° 11' S. and 1720
7' W. If the identification was correct this proved an
average drift of nearly one mile per day for the year in
a northerly direction.
Strong winds, fog, and driving snow made it impossible
to keep the course so that the ships were driven to
the westward of the 180th meridian before reaching
75° S.
It was now past the middle of February and three days
earlier in the previous year the formation of new ice had
forced the expedition to turn back from following the
great barrier towards its eastern termination. A fortu-
nate shift of the wind to the northward enabled a good
stretch to the southeast to be covered and at last, on Feb-
ruary 19th, a strong ice-blink in the south proclaimed
the vicinity of the great barrier. The depth of the sea
was only 250 fathoms, but still the barrier was not in
sight. The wind shifted to the southward and the air
grew very cold, the thermometer dropping to 190 F. ;
yet this was 70 warmer than the year before, and the
ships were now in open water, thirty miles farther east
than the pack had reached in 1841. The decks and rig-
ging were encased in frozen spray, and the crews suf-
fered severely in the endless work of breaking off the ice
from the hull to ease the ship, and from the tackle to let
the ropes run freely.
HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES 303
So intense was the cold, on this occasion that a small
fish which was dashed against the bows of the Terror was
frozen to the ship and speedily buried in a block of ice.
When hacked out and set aside for scientific description
the ship's cat unfortunately spied the specimen and dis-
cussed it with a satisfaction not shared by the disap-
pointed surgeon, who hoped to have made the discovery
of a species “ new to science." The Terror’s cat indeed
seemed possessed by a rooted hatred of scientific work,
for not long before she had got into a drawer in the
chart-table and torn up several of the original track-
charts, to the sorrow and trouble of the second master,
who was responsible for them.
On February 22nd in latitude 76° 42' S. a sounding
was obtained in 190 fathoms and the surrounding ice-
bergs seemed to be aground. With a fair north wind the
ships were speeding southward, when, just before mid-
night the great barrier was sighted at last. Next morn-
ing the ships turned eastward five or six miles from the
vertical cliffs of ice and hopes once more rose high that
in spite of the lateness of the season they might reach
the end of the huge ice-wall and there find a way open
to the south. Young ice soon blocked the way, but on
February 28th the ships sailed to within a mile and a half
of the barrier where progress was stopped by masses of
broken fragments cemented together by young ice. This
was the extreme point reached by Ross, and for sixty
years it remained the highest southern latitude attained
by any man. The mean latitude calculated from the
observations of the two ships was 78° 9' 30" S., and the
longitude at that point was i6i°27'W. The sea was
290 fathoms deep, and as the ice-cliffs forming the bar-
rier were only 107 feet high at the highest part and very
3o4 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
considerably lower elsewhere, Ross concluded that it must
be afloat.
Towards the east the barrier trended northeastward,
and in sailing along* it the expedition found parts where
the height was only about 80 feet, and it was possible to
get a good view of the top of the ice from the mastheads.
It was seen to rise to the south in such a manner as to
suggest the possible existence of land beneath the icy
covering. This appearance must have been much less
marked than the non-existent Parry Mountains which
Ross never doubted he had sighted the year before. In
view of the recent discovery of King Edward VII Land
the reasons which threw doubt on the existence of land in
this direction in 1842 deserve to be set forth in detail.
Ross says:
“ . . . We perceived from our mastheads that it
gradually rose to the southward, presenting the appear-
ance of mountains of great height, perfectly covered with
snow, but with a varied and undulating outline, which the
barrier itself could not have assumed; still there is so
much uncertainty attending the appearance of land, when
seen at any considerable distance, that, although I, in
common with nearly all my companions, feel assured that
the presence of land there amounts almost to a certainty,
yet I am unwilling to hazard the possibility of being mis-
taken on a point of so much interest, or the chance of
some future navigator under more favourable circum-
stances proving that ours were only visionary mountains.
The appearance of hummocky ridges and different shades,
such as would be produced by an irregular white surface,
and its mountainous elevation, were our chief grounds
for believing it to be land, for not the smallest patch of
cliff or rock could be seen protruding on any part of
HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES 305
the space of about thirty degrees which it occupied. I
have, therefore, marked it on the chart only as an ‘ ap-
pearance of land.’ ”
The day, it should be added, was beautifully fine, the
clearest and brightest of the cruise, according to Mc-
Cormick. Curiously enough Ross appeared to attach no
significance as signs of the proximity of land to the
numerous hauls of stones he had made with the dredge
from the bottom of the sea, or to the several cases of ice-
bergs with pieces of rock embedded in their substance
which he recorded from the neighbourhood of his farthest
south. These were really strong confirmatory evidence.
On February 24th the main pack was found extending
right up to the edge of the barrier, and the intensity of
the cold made it quite plain that there was no more polar
work to be done that season. The attempt to reach a high
Southern latitude had been far less interesting in its out-
come though more dangerous and laborious than that of
the previous year, the net result being an advance of some
six miles towards the pole and the doubtful discovery of
land about the meridian of 160° W. This result, slight
as it was, was not accomplished without great risk, and
it was indeed very nearly too late to return. The sea
as far as the eye could reach from the masthead was a
continuous sheet of new ice, through which only a strong
wind could force the ships. Fortunately a strong south-
easterly breeze was blowing and by crowding all canvas
even to royals and studding-sails the Erebus and Terror
tore through the young ice for thirty miles to north-
westward and regained the open sea. The object now
was to follow the edge of the pack northward, and take
the shortest course across the South Pacific Ocean to
the Falkland Islands, where it was intended to winter.
20
3o6 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Fine weather favoured the northward run and on
March ist the ships crossed the 180th meridian and the
70th parallel still keeping to the northwest following the
edge of the pack, which lay to the eastward studded with
a range of gigantic icebergs. The rise of air-tempera-
ture to 36° F. was hailed with delight as if the summer
had come. The course was now set more easterly, and
at 7 p. m. on March 6th, 1842, the two ships crossed the
Antarctic circle to the northward after having passed
sixty-four days battling with the ice within it, one day
longer than in the previous year, and far longer than any
other expedition before that time. The course to the
northward had kept the ships well out of sight of Victoria
Land and except for the “ appearance of land ” at their
most southerly point not a cliff or island had been seen
during the two months.
The latitude of 6o° S. was reached on March 9th and
as the sea was clear of ice Ross ordered a due easterly
course so as to reach the Falklands as soon as possible.
For three days the sea remained clear and good progress
was made, but on the 12th the wind rose and heavy snow
showers obscured the lookout. Many small pieces of ice
also appeared and Ross had just made up his mind about
midnight to lay-to until daylight, when the greatest
danger of the whole expedition was suddenly encoun-
tered and for one terrible hour the total loss of both ships
and all on board appeared to be inevitable. Many of the
members of the expedition had been in positions of
deadly danger before, but none had ever experienced a
more appalling hour of suspense and fear. When it was
over some even of those who had borne themselves most
calmly confessed that the}r could not remember what
they had done or how the ships had been saved. Four
HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES 307
accounts of the disaster are accessible, the official record
by Captain Ross, the subsequent description by Mr.
McCormick on the Erebus, a contemporary account by
Sullivan, the literary blacksmith of that ship and an un-
published letter by Mr. J. E. Davis the second master of
the Terror and cartographer of the expedition which
has been privately printed. The first and the last may be
quoted as they are in large measure complementary and
between them throw the scene into a sort of stereoscopic
relief.
Captain Ross on board the Erebus says :
“ . . . A large berg was seen ahead and quite
close to us ; the ship was immediately hauled to the wind
on the port tack, with the expectation of being able to
weather it; but just at this moment the Terror was
observed running down upon us, under her top-sails and
fore-sail; and as it was impossible for her to clear both
the berg and the Erebus, collision was inevitable. We
instantly hove all aback to diminish the violence of the
shock; but the concussion when she struck us was such
as to throw almost everyone off his feet; our bowsprit,
fore-topmast, and other smaller spars, were carried
away ; and the ships hanging together, entangled by their
rigging, and dashing against each other with fearful
violence, were falling down upon the weather face of the
lofty berg under our lee, against which the waves were
breaking and foaming to near the summit of its perpen-
dicular cliffs. Sometimes she rose high above us, almost
exposing her keel to view, and again descended as we
in our turn rose to the top of the wave, threatening to
bury her beneath us, whilst the crashing of the breaking
upperworks and boats increased the horror of the scene.
Providentially they gradually forged past each other,
308 siege of the south pole
and separated before we drifted down amongst the foam-
ing breakers, and we had the gratification of seeing her
clear the end of the berg, and of feeling that she was
safe. But she left us completely disabled; the wreck of
the spars so encumbered the lower yards, that we were
unable to make sail, so as to get headway on the ship;
nor had we room to wear round, being by this time so
close to the berg that the waves, when they struck against
it, threw back their sprays into the ship. The only way
left to us to extricate ourselves from this awful and
appalling situation was by resorting to the hazardous
expedient of a stern board, which nothing could justify
during such a gale and with so high a sea running, but
to avert the danger which every moment threatened us
of being dashed to pieces. The heavy rolling of the
vessel, and the probability of the masts giving way each
time the lower yard-arms struck against the cliffs, which
were towering high above our mastheads, rendered it
a service of extreme danger to loose the main-sail; but
no sooner was the order given, than the daring spirit of
the British seaman manifested itself — the men ran up
the rigging with as much alacrity as on any ordinary
occasion; and although more than once driven off the
yard, they after a short time succeeded in loosing the
sail. Amidst the roar of the wind and sea, it was diffi-
cult both to hear and to execute the orders that were
given, so that it was three-quarters of an hour before we
could get the yards braced bye,: and the maintack hauled
on board sharp aback — an expedient that perhaps had
never before been resorted to by seamen in such weather :
but it had the desired effect; the ship gathered stern-
way, plunging her stern into the sea, washing away the
gig and quarter boats, and with her lower yard-arms
HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES 309
scraping the rugged face of the berg, we in a few
minutes reached its western termination ; the “ under-
tow/' as it is called, or the reaction of the water from
its vertical cliffs, alone preventing us being driven to
atoms against it. No sooner had we cleared it, than
another was seen directly astern of us, against which we
were running; and the difficulty now was to get the
ship's head turned round and pointed fairly through be-
tween the two bergs, the breadth of the intervening space
not exceeding three times her own breadth; this, how-
ever, we happily accomplished; and in a few minutes
after getting before the wind, she dashed through the
narrow channel, between two perpendicular walls of ice,
and the foaming breakers which stretched across it, and
the next moment we were in smooth water under its lee."
As befits a commander, Ross painted the accident from
the point of view of the expedition, but McCormick
added several human touches. All hands had been called
on deck at a moment's notice, the sense of danger after
the first collision drove all other ideas from their minds,
and in the bitter cold of the Antarctic night they rushed
to their stations in the scantiest of clothing — one officer
is described as “ clinging to the capstan in his nightshirt
only."
Davis in the letter to his sister after describing the
collision with the Erebus goes on to say:
“ All this time we had been bodily drifting on the bergs
so that when we cleared the Erebus we found an enor-
mous iceberg close under our lee. A dreadful shipwreck
and death then appeared inevitable ; there was no alterna-
tive but to run for the dark place we had seen before,
which might be an opening, or be smashed on the face
of the cliff. The helm was immediately put a-starboard.
3io SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
and with the assistance of the sails she answered it very
well. We were immediately rushing past an enormous
berg, the ship being perfectly covered with the foam
caused by the sea breaking against it. Every moment we
were expecting the ship to strike ice right ahead. ‘ Hard-
a-port’ was screamed out from forward (then indeed
hope died within us) ; ‘ Hard-a-port ; brace round the
head-yards.’ ‘ Shiver the main top-sail,’ cried the Cap-
tain, as if he were steering into any harbour. The men
flew to the ropes, although I should think at that moment
that there was not one on board but thought all hope was
fled. She came round, and passed through an opening
between two bergs not twice the breadth of the ship, the
foam and spray dashing over us on each side as we
passed. Several other alarms were given owing to the
brash (small stuff washed from the bergs) looking like
more bergs in the darkness, but we were safe, but did
not know it. The next cry was ‘Where’s the Erebus?’
— our own danger had made us entirely forget her for
the time. All eyes were immediately straining through
the gloom to find her. We burnt a blue light, and soon
after had the happiness of seeing her burn one which we
immediately answered; we knew then that she was safe,
which with her losses we never expected. We then lay-to,
anxiously waiting for daylight to find the extent of her
damages. As soon as it could be distinguished she made
the signal that : ‘ All was well, and that they could repair
all their damages.’ We answered : ‘ Thank God, we are
the same.’ ... We might go a thousand times
more to the South Pole without experiencing one-half the
dangers we have this time. The following diagram may
give you an idea of our situation, in which the arrow
denotes the direction of the wind; the red the Terror,
The “Erebus” and “Terror” in Collision.
(From “ Ross's Voyage to the Southern ScasV)
HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES 31 1
and the black the Erebus; the dotted line the passage the
ships made through the water. You are to suppose your-
self looking down on their decks, and the strokes across
the ships are the way the yards were braced. I cannot
Davis's Diagram of the Collision Between the Erebus
and Terror.
attempt any sketches of the ships with my pen and ink,
it would be impossible to give the slightest effect of the
intense darkness, etc. You may imagine the force with
which the Erebus struck us when I tell you that her spare
anchor in the act of falling must have come in collision
with our side, which drove the palms of it right into her
312 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
through copper and all ; that in this way she conveyed it
800 miles, when it must have worked out/'
No time was lost in getting the damage temporarily
repaired, and although the crippled ships had to run be-
fore the wind into lower latitudes while the rigging was
being renewed, as soon as they could be handled properly
Ross turned south again to the sixtieth parallel to make
a series of observations at one of the foci of maximum
magnetic intensity in 6o° S. and 125 0 W. This was suc-
cessfully done on March 18th and on that day also the
anchor that had been driven into the skin of the Erebus
by the collision and had hung there for five days greatly
impeding her progress, worked loose and sank in deep
water. The voyage was slow for the ships sailed
heavily, but it was devoid of incident until April 2nd,
when one of the quartermasters of the Erebus fell over-
board from the main yard, and as the sea was running
too high for a boat to live had it been lowered an unsuc-
cessful attempt was made to bring the ship alongside the
life-buoy on which the man had climbed, but before the
manoeuvre could be executed he lost hold and was
drowned, the third to be so lost from this ship. Next day
off Cape Horn a brig was sighted the first sail met with
since leaving New Zealand more than four months be-
fore, but it was blowing too hard to speak her. No land
was seen until Beauchene Island was made on April 5th,
and next day the ships dropped anchor in Port Louis,
Falkland Island, 137 days after leaving the Bay of Islands.
To the disappointment of all on board there were no let-
ters, but from a chance copy of the Navy List four of the
officers discovered that they had received promotion on the
day when Captain Ross’s report on the first voyage
reached the Admiralty.
HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES 313
Although disappointing in its results compared with
the first, the second summer of the expedition in the Ant-
arctic regions had been by far the more trying of the
two. Twice both ships had been in the direst peril and
were only able to proceed on their voyage because of the
forethought which had provided abundant spare gear to
replace losses. Scientific observations of considerable
interest were made, although the deep-sea temperatures
on which Ross had bestowed much attention were ren-
dered useless by the unsuspected imperfection of the
instruments employed.
CHAPTER XV
THE LAST ANTARCTIC VOYAGE OF THE EREBUS AND TERROR
“ We have had enough of action, and of motion we,
Roll’d to starboard, roll’d to larboard, when the surge was
seething free,
HE first care on arriving at Berkeley Sound in the
Falkland Islands was to send home dispatches and
the scientific collections and to take steps for overhauling
the ships. Both vessels were unloaded of all stores,
hauled up as far as possible on the shore at the top of
high water, and while beached their hulls were thor-
oughly examined and repaired. At that date the small
settlement in the Falklands could offer little in the way
of its own resources except fresh meat, and even that the
blue-jackets had to hunt for themselves, for the herds of
cattle and horses roamed the island in an absolutely wild
state. No spar suitable for making a new bowsprit for
the Erebus could be obtained, but an urgent request had
been sent on to the headquarters of the South American
sqadron at Rio de Janeiro, and toward the end of June
H. M. S. Carysfort commanded by Lord George Paulet
arrived bringing all that was required to refit the expe-
dition. It was the end of July before the Erebus and
Terror had been refitted and were ready for sea. An-
other month had still to be devoted to magnetic observa-
tions on shore, and it was no easy task for the commander
THE EREBUS AND TERROR 315
to find exercise and occupation for the men. A piece of
unenclosed ground had hitherto served as the burial
place for the settlement, and this the blue-jackets were
set to work to surround by a stone wall not likely soon
to be destroyed, for it was seven feet high and seven feet
thick. To the newly-enclosed cemetery the sailors re-
moved the remains of Matthew Brisbane, who had been
in charge of the cutter which accompanied Weddell on
his great voyage to the south. The colony at that time
had a total resident population amounting to only 46.
While the Antarctic ships were lying in Berkeley Sound
Captain Allen Gardiner, a retired naval officer, with his
family arrived there in a schooner and waited for an op-
portunity to cross to Patagonia and prepare the way for
a mission to the South American natives. The touching
story of his efforts to bring Christianity to the Pata-
gonians and his tragic fate are amongst the classics of
the history of missions. It so happened that forty years
afterwards the mission vessel bearing his name rescued
from shipwreck the leader of a projected Italian Ant-
arctic expedition.
At the request of the governor, Ross spent a week in
examining the harbour of Port Louis, the site of the ex-
isting settlement in Berkeley Sound and Port William,
somewhat farther to the southeast. He strongly recom-
mended the latter as in every way more suitable for the
seat of government, and the present town of Stanley is
situated in Port William accordingly.
Dr. Hooker made a careful survey of the botany of
the islands and drew attention particularly to the gigantic
sea-weeds which fringe the harbours and the remarkable
tussock grass characteristic of the rocky shores.
A magnetic station was left at Port Louis when the
3 16 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
ship sailed on September 4th for a short exploring cruise
in search of a protected harbour in the immediate neigh-
bourhood of Cape Horn. It was put under the charge of
Lieutenant Sibbald, senior lieutenant of the Terror in
succession to Lieutenant McMurdo whose health had
broken down under the strain and who was now in-
valided home. He was a remarkably efficient officer,
after Ross the best executive in either ship, and to judge
from the regretful comparison with the senior lieutenant
of the Erebus which McCormick was never tired of mak-
ing, he was less out of sympathy with natural science
than most naval officers of his generation.
Cape Horn was passed on the 19th on a fine day at the
distance of a mile and a half, and Ross acknowledged
that he was disappointed with the appearance of a cape
which had won for itself so abominable a notoriety. At
St. Martin s Cove in Hermite Island immediately to the
northwest of the Horn, the ships anchored and a mag-
netic observatory was landed on September 21st. Sir
Joseph Hooker recalls how on term days when all the ex-
ecutive officers were on shore with the magnetic instru-
ments he was left on watch on board with hourly read-
ings of the barometer to make for the twenty-four hours,
and he has never forgotten the hideous “ Willie waws ”
or squalls that swept down the valleys and smote the
water of the cove with such violence that the ships were
in danger of being torn from their anchors and driven to
destruction on the Horn island. The mean level of the
sea was ascertained at this station, as at other anchorages,
by numerous observations and a permanent mark cut in
the rock to record it. The long stay at this anchorage
was enlivened to some extent by visits from the native
Fuegians; but it musi. have been a dull time at best for
THE EREBUS AND TERROR 317
the ships’ companies; by no means to be compared with
the “ refreshment ” between south polar cruises afforded
to Captain Cook’s companions in the paradise of the
tropical Pacific islands.
On November 7, 1842, the expedition left St. Martin’s
Cove, and reached Port Louis again on the 13th. This
time letters from home were waiting, including the con-
gratulations of the Admiralty on the earlier work of the
expedition, and official permission to spend a third year
in exploration if Ross thought it desirable. A merchant
ship, the Governor Halket, had put in from Sydney on
her way to England, and Ross sent his men on board
to help to unload her and stop a leak which had nearly
caused her loss. Living up to his rule never to permit
idleness, the remainder of the crews were set to work
planting about eight hundred young trees taken from the
less bleak Fuegian islands, so that the Antarctic expe-
dition lef-t substantial improvements behind it. Mag-
netic and tidal observations were kept up to the last
while the ships were being got ready for sea, and on De-
cember 17th, 1842, the expedition left Port Louis for the
third consecutive summer in the south polar ice, no one
on board feeling any regret at leaving this poor substi-
tute for a civilised seaport.
The intention was to go south on the meridian of 55 0
W. in the expectation of meeting with a continuation of
Louis Philippe Land, by following which it was hoped
to combine a survey of the coast with the attainment of
a high latitude. Should the way to the south not be
open it was intended to endeavour to follow in Wed-
dell’s track of 1823 on which it seemed probable that an
open sea would be met with extending to a very high
latitude. The first iceberg was met in latitude 61 0 S. on
3 1 8 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Christmas Eve, and a gale of wind accompanied it which
lasted through Christmas Day though it did not disturb
the due celebrations. On the 26th the ships came up
with the edge of the pack in 52 0 W. longitude, and sailed
along it toward the west so as to get between the float-
ing ice and the land. Joinville Land was sighted on De-
cember 28th, and the rugged forms of the mountains
were examined with great attention. Captain Crozier
and the officers of the Terror believed that they saw
smoke issuing from one peak to the southward, but Cap-
tain Ross and the officers of the Erebus were of opinion
that it was merely a wreath of mist or possibly snow-
drift flying before the wind. The probability is that
the Terror was right, as active volcanoes were dis-
covered fifty years later in the same direction, which
might have been visible from the ships. The weather
was unsatisfactory, so that the position of the prominent
points on the land could not be fixed by astronomical ob-
servations; but the extraordinary extent of the snow
and ice-covering for the latitude was plainly seen, and
Ross called attention to the way in which the glaciers
descending to the sea broke off in ice-cliffs 100 feet high,
a miniature copy of the great Southern Barrier. A
strong tide or current was surging southward along the
coast, swirling through a chain of grounded bergs, and
moving so rapidly as sometimes to hamper the steering
of the ships. A group of rocky islets almost concealed
by the grounded bergs suddenly appeared and made it
necessary for the ships to bear off to the eastward, and
in so doing through the fog they nearly ran against the
southernmost of the group appropriately named the
Danger Islets. This particular rock rose so perpendicu-
larly from the watm- that a ship could have been laid
THE EREBUS AND TERROR 319
alongside it, and Ross records : “ I named it Darwin
Islet, after Charles Darwin, Esquire, the talented com-
panion of Captain Fitzroy during his interesting voy-
age.”
Here again, as off Victoria Land, the number and
tameness of the whales struck the explorers, and Ross
was never weary of expatiating on the great cargoes of
oil which might be obtained. In the present instance
he appears to have believed the opportunities for whaling
to be of enormous importance, and to have attached to
the little chain of islets a value that one can hardly un-
derstand, for he says:
“ Thus within ten days rfter leaving the Falkland
Islands, we have discovered not only new land, but a
valuable whale-fishery well worthy the attention of our
enterprising merchants, less than six hundred miles from
one of our own possessions.”
The enterprising merchants, however, took exactly
half a century before they made up their minds to send
a ship to investigate the whale fisheries of Weddell Sea.
On December 30th the bold outline of JTinville Land,
discovered by D’Urville, was clearly een and the moun-
tains behind it, to a number of which Ross gave the
names of naval officers who had assisted the expedition
when at the Falkland Islands. A remarkable tower-
shaped rock on the south side of Joinville Land he after-
wards named D’Urville’s Monument, in honour of the
versatile French Admiral who had discovered the land.
On New Year’s Day, 1843, the ships were becalmed
off the land in 64° 14' S., and the usual distribution of
warm clothing was made to the men, although they had
not the satisfaction of crossing the Antarctic circle as on
the two previous New Year’s Days. A fine mountain
320 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
rising to 7050 feet was named Mount Haddington, after
the First Lord of the Admiralty, and a small island
was called Cockburn Island, after the senior Naval Lord.
The weather became thick and stormy and the ice was
very troublesome, so that nearly a week was spent dodg-
ing about in the pack off Cockburn Island. On Janu-
ary 6th the two captains landed on the island, hoisted
the British flag and took formal possession in the name of
the Queen. Dr. Hooker accompanied them and found
that the only plants growing on the volcanic soil of this
land on the edge of the Antarctic were nineteen species
of minute mosses, algae and lichens. McCormick the
senior surgeon remained on board fuming and fretting,
after vainly beseeching the captain to relax his inexora-
ble rule never to leave the ships without one medical
officer on each. The white petrel, whose breeding place
had not been found previously, was discovered nesting
on the island.
The ships proceeded to grope their way southward
along a narrow channel between the land and a chain of
grounded bergs. It was an unfortunate choice, for the
pack grew closer and the ships were beset before they
reached the 65th parallel. After a week’s incessant
struggling to return or escape to the westward, in which
all hands were well nigh exhausted, the ships forced their
way into open water on January 17th. The main pack
lay to the east, and as it seemed to involve too great a
detour to attempt to turn it by the north, Ross decided
to run the ships into it in the hope of forcing a
way through to the southeast. The attempt was a com-
plete failure, for the pack was too close to sail through,
and it was drifting north so rapidly that at the end of
the month the Erebus and Terror, after heading south-
THE EREBUS AND TERROR 321
ward for a week, were actually farther north than when
they entered. New ice was forming and it was evident
that unless the ships could be extricated speedily they
would run a serious risk of remaining fast for a year.
Several days’ struggle brought them out in latitude 64°
S. on the northern side of the pack, and the first part of
the programme having already consumed six weeks, with
no result so far as a high latitude was concerned, it re-
mained to try to carry out the second part, the repeti-
tion of Weddell’s cruise on the fortieth meridian.
The expedition accordingly skirted the pack toward the
east, keeping in the open water, the temperature of which
was a sure index of the proximity of floating ice even
in the thickest fog. On February 14th Weddell’s
track was crossed, but there was no way open to the
south. The edge of the pack was in latitude 65° 13' S.,
some 75 miles farther south than when D’Urville passed
that way four years before, but very different from the
time when Weddell found no ice for 550 miles farther
south. D’Urville had cast doubt on Weddell’s veracity
and obviously did not believe that there ever had been
open sea to beyond the 70th parallel. According to
McCormick, Ross did not wish to follow in the track of
Weddell or anyone else and deliberately passed the posi-
tion, but it is impossible to accept this suggestion for the
leader himself refers repeatedly to his desire to get south
on Weddell’s track and nothing but the position of the
ice prevented him from doing so. He says :
" ... we must conclude that Weddell was
favoured by an unusually fine season, and we may re-
joice that there was a brave and daring seaman on the
spot to profit by the opportunity.”
On February 26th, still following the edge of the ice,
21
322 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
the Erebus and Terror reached the meridian of 12 ° W.
and found at last that the edge of the pack trended south-
ward. Following it up and working westward as well
as southward through fog and snow, Ross crossed the
Antarctic circle on March 1st, 1843. Next day the sun
appeared unclouded for the first time for six weeks, and
the early part of the day was magnificent though the
sea was rough. The latitude was found to be 68° 14' S.
and the longitude 12 0 20' W. The following day was
-aim, and the boats were got out with the longest sound-
• ng-lines to make a deep-sea sounding. Four thousand
fathoms, or 24,000 feet of line were coiled on a huge
drum in one of the boats and the whole length ran out
ithout the bottom being found. It was the deepest
junding ever made up to that date, and as Ross was
vperienced in the work and the conditions were en-
’ rely favourable, it seemed not unreasonable to believe
that a very great depth existed in that position. The
ecent soundings of Mr. W. S. Bruce in the Scotia with-
1 one mile of Ross’s position however, make it plain that
die thick hemp line, caught by the strong undercurrent
which runs there, floated the comparatively light sinker
employed and so gave a fallacious reading. The real
depth proved to be 2,660 fathoms. Temperatures were
observed down to 1,050 fathoms, but as in the rest of
Ross’s deep-sea soundings what he measured was not
the temperature of the water but the compression of the
thermometer bulb, for his instruments were defective.
On March 4th the 70th parallel was crossed about
midway between the tracks of Weddell and Bellings-
hausen. Next day the pack was sighted, and as the ice
seemed open at the edge the ships were run into it for
a distance of 27 miles, when the pack became close and
THE EREBUS AND TERROR 323
heavy with new ice fonning thickly in the pools and
lanes of water. Farther progress was barred in lati-
tude 71 0 30' S., longitude 140 51' W., and the third at-
tempt of the expedition to reach the south pole had to
be given up. The colours were hoisted in a last salute
to the southern ice, and a barrel was thrown over con-
taining a statement of the position and date signed by all
the officers.
The barometer was falling rapidly and the wind ris-
ing as the two ships picked their way out of the pack.
Once outside a fierce gale descended upon them, and
two days and nights of the greatest anxiety followed, for
it was almost more than the ships could do to weather
the pack, the front of which was now a roaring line of
surf. But the danger passed as it had so often passed
before, and on March nth, 1843, the two ships recrossed
the circle and emerged from the Antarctic regions for the
last time. Their work was done.
It cannot be said that the third season added much to
the success of the expedition, the chief glory of which
was achieved in the first. The terrible strain of the last
two years had told heavily on the officers. Ross himself
was not the man he had been. It may be that the third
season was the worst of the three so far as ice and
weather went; but it is possible also that the jaded leader
had lost something of the clear perception and quick
intuition that had led him so triumphantly at the first.
Not that he failed for a moment in courage or resolve,
but from the time of leaving New Zealand circumstances
had been all against him. A final disappointment re-
mained in the unsuccessful issue of the attempt to locate
that child of the mist, Bouvet Island. It would almost
seem as if the island were invisible to naval officers.
324 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Cook could not find it, Ross could not find it, Moore on
the Pagoda failed to see it, but between these attempts
several of the Enderbys' whaling skippers had visited
and even landed upon islands in that neighbourhood.
On March ioth the appearance of a remarkable beam
of light in the sky attracted attention, and at first it
was taken for an auroral display, though its true nature
as the great comet of 1843 was speedily recognised.
Ross crossed the meridian of Greenwich in latitude
540 8' S., and at noon on March 22nd his latitude was
540 11' S. and longitude 6° E. He says, “Bouvet
Island should therefore have been in sight, bearing S.
55° E., distant nine miles. We stood exactly towards
it until we had run twelve miles, but not seeing it we
steered east to keep in its supposed latitude.”
Ross did not then know that Lindsay in the Swan had
sighted an island in 540 24' S., 30 15' E. in 1808, but after
hearing of this from Mr. Enderby he was still of opinion
that the island did not occupy that position which he had
passed so close as certainly to have seen any land that
might be there. The island however does lie in 540
26' S. and 30 24" E. or only two miles south and about
five miles east of the position assigned by Lindsay so
that the Erebus and Terror would seem to have passed
in sight of it although’ the island was not distinguished
from the bergs, so difficult is it even for the most prac-
tised eyes to recognise the difference between a distant
island of floating ice and one of ice-covered rock.
There was a great abundance of icebergs that season
and the ships were never out of sight of them until they
reached the latitude of 47 0 40' S. Land was sighted on
April 4th, 1843, an(i by the evening of that day the Erebus
and Terror dropped their anchors in Simon's Bay, beside
THE EREBUS AND TERROR 325
the flagship of the South African squadron H. M. S.
Winchester. For the third time they had come back
after a long and trying sojourn in the Antarctic ice with-
out a single name on the sick list. Although no one
was actually disabled on board, the three years of cease-
less work and wearing anxiety had told heavily on the
officers. They were not the sort of men to complain,
and after a brief stay to refit the ships they sailed again
on April 30th, homeward bound. The voyage was in-
terrupted at St. Helena, Ascension and Rio de Janeiro
to complete the magnetic observations at those stations.
On the homeward voyage another attempt to sound in
very deep water was made in latitude 15 0 3' S. and longi-
tude 23 0 14' W. The day was nearly calm, the water
quite smooth, and 4600 fathoms of line were run out
without finding bottom. Subsequent soundings in that
part of the ocean make it appear unlikely that the depth
is nearly so great, and it seems probable that the line
continued to be drawn off the reel by currents after the
lead had reached the bottom.
It was not until September 2nd that the English coast
was at length sighted, and rarely if ever before did two
men-of-war return to port after so long a commission.
On September 23rd, 1843, when the ships were paid off at
Woolwich, it was more than four years and five months
since they had commissioned at Chatham.
Ross was received with the welcome that so unique and
successful an expedition deserved. He received the
honour of knighthood, the gold medals of several
societies, of which that presented by the Paris Geo-
graphical Society perhaps gratified him most, and as the
best reward it was currently reported and even announced
in responsible papers that he was destined for the com-
326 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
mand of a still greater expedition then under discussion
which had for its object the final solution of the oldest
of Arctic problems, the existence of a North-West Pas-
sage.
Except for a voyage to the Arctic regions in 1848-49,
when he commanded H. M. S. Enterprise in the search
for Franklin, Ross had no more sea-service. He married
immediately after his return and devoted himself to
literary work and the study of the collections of marine
invertebrates made by himself in the Antarctic regions.
He died at Aylesbury on April 3, 1862.
CHAPTER XVI
THE GENERATION OF AVERTED INTEREST
“ The best-laid schemes o’ mice and men
Gang aft agley.”
— Burns.
IMMEDIATELY after the return of the Erebus and
Terror it became evident that the absence of magnetic
observations in high latitudes south of the Indian Ocean
would detract from the value of the data brought back
by the expedition, and the Admiralty resolved that having
done so much they would complete the work.
Orders were accordingly sent out in the summer of
1844 to Admiral Percy, Commander-in-Chief at the Cape
of Good Hope, to select and equip a vessel for the pur-
pose. His choice fell on the Pagoda, a merchant barque
of 360 tons, which was hired, fitted out and manned by a
crew of thirty-five volunteers from the flagship H. M. S.
Winchester. Most of the six officers came from the
same ship, but the command was given to Lieutenant T.
E. L. Moore, R.N., who had been Mate on the Terror
during the Antarctic Expedition, and he arrived from
England at the beginning of January, 1845. The ship
was ready for sea and left Simon’s Bay without a day’s
unnecessary delay on January 9th. Lieutenant (now
Major-General) Henry Clerk, R.A., joined the expedition
as magnetic observer. The Pagoda met the first icebergs
on the 25th, in latitude 530 30' S. on her way to the as-
signed position of Bouvet Island, the search for which
was the first incident in the voyage. As Bouvet Island
327
328 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
was looked for in 6° E., naturally enough nothing was
seen of it. Moore knew from Ross's failure that the po-
sition must be wrong and he might have deduced the
fact that since Cook and Ross had proved that the Island
did not lie east of 6° E. it would probably be found con-
siderably farther west in or near the given latitude, for
the mistake in position would most likely be in longi-
tude, but he turned southward before reaching 30 E.,
and added one more to the list of unnecessary failures.
The Admiralty sought no more for the island which has
never been seen by a British naval officer, and it was left
to be picked up by a pertinacious German merchant cap-
tain under the direction of a German man of science half a
century later.
When in latitude about 6o° 45' S. and longitude about
4° E. a singular rock was seen capped by a mass of ice.
It looked so like land that Moore sounded, and at first
thought that bottom had been found at 250 fathoms, but
the ship was drifting rapidly before a strong wind, and it
remains uncertain whether this was an islet or merely an
almost submerged iceberg carrying a great mass of rock.
Hie Pagoda proceeded southeastward, and at length, on
February 5th, after seeing a strong ice-blink in the south,
she crossed the Antarctic Circle in 30° 45' E. The edge
of the ice-pack was met with on the nth; it extended in
an unbroken line along one-third of the horizon and
checked further progress to the south in latitude 67° 50'
S., longitude 390 41' E., the farthest point toward the
pole reached on the cruise. A course was then set for
Enderby Land, but a succession of calms and contrary
gales made it impossible to reach the assigned position.
Moore had no choice but to try to obey orders, but it
would almost seem as if those in authority had issued
AVERTED INTEREST
329
their commands in defiance of the facts of nature. Had
the orders been to make the voyage in the opposite di-
rection, proceeding eastward through the temperate
Indian Ocean to Australia and then running southward
and following the edge of the ice-pack toward the west
to the meridian of Bouvet Island, the somewhat disap-
pointing cruise of the Pagoda might have become an
important voyage of discovery. The sailor’s duty is to
obey and “ not to reason why ; ” and the Admiralty might
have had reasons which we do not know for not acting-
in harmony with the facts of Antarctic meteorology dis-
covered by Cook, confirmed by Bellingshausen, Weddell,
and Biscoe, and quite recently supported by Balleny,
D’Urville, Wilkes and Ross, which dictated a westerly
course for circumnavigation south of 6o° S., just as im-
peratively as the Brave West Winds dictate an easterly
course for circumnavigation in the roaring forties. Moore
stuck to the hopeless task of trying to drive his ship
against the prevailing winds until a furious gale drove
him northward to where a fair wind blew and allowed
him to proceed eastward in clear seas. Other attempts
to get south met with no better success, but the track
kept on the poleward side of 6o° S. to the meridian of
ioo° E. On March 7th in 64° S. and some distance east
of the fiftieth meridian the ship was surrounded by bergs
on the margin of a belt of pack ice ten miles wide be-
yond which in the intervals between the squalls Moore
saw a high ridge of ice or land. He says : “ It was more
like land than anything before seen during the voyage, and
there was no doubt about it; but we would not say it
was land without having really landed on it.” The ship
then bore up to the north because her sailing power had
been damaged by the loss of some spars in a heavy gale
330 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
and there was some risk of her being carried past
Australia and failing to beat back to it. She anchored
in King George’s Sound, Western Australia on April ist.
She had been at sea for eighty-two days, making such
magnetic observations as were possible in a small vessel
tossing on tumultuous seas and battling with head-winds.
Three weeks were spent at Albany, and on April 20th
the Pagoda set sail and proceeded across the Indian
Ocean to Mauritius, continuing the magnetic observa-
tions, and completed her voyage at Cape Town on June
20th, 1845. During this voyage Moore remarks that more
icebergs were seen than in the three Antarctic trips of
the Erebus and Terror, and he referred with satisfaction
to the fact that he had run through more degrees of longi-
tude south of 60 0 S. than any previous voyager.
The cruise of the Pagoda filled an important gap, and
it remains memorable for the fact that it was the last
Antarctic expedition carried in a sailing ship without the
help of steam. Thus terminated the greatest era in the
history of maritime discovery, and the scroll on which
Prince Henry the Navigator began to write early in the
fifteenth century was rolled up all unconsciously by Lieu-
tenant Moore, R. N., in the middle of the nineteenth.
Except for the short cruise of Enderby’s ship, the Brisk,
in 1850, and the momentary swoop of the Challenger in
1874, it was more than sixty years before serious explora-
tion in the southern ice was resumed.
In exploration as in physics there is a law of inertia.
It is invariably hard to start a new effort to extend knowl-
edge in any direction, but when once begun the tendency
is to continue unless stopped by some external force.
The brilliant voyages of Ross and Wilkes seemed, both
from the discoveriej that were made and from the acute-
AVERTED INTEREST
33i
ness of the controversies they initiated, to promise a
succession of South Polar expeditions, one stimulated by
the other and not likely to cease until the map of the
Antarctic area was at least as clearly outlined as that of
the Arctic.
The heart of the American people, however, was never
greatly in their Exploring Expedition, and the internal
friction within the expedition itself was perhaps sufficient
to deter the naval authorities from repeating the experi-
ment, whilst the scientific element naturally preferred to
pursue researches in which they met with encouragement
and even reward. Thus there was little reason to feel
surprised if America had let the thread drop even had the
violent cleavage of the nation by the Civil War not oc-
curred. But the British people were at this period pro-
foundly stirred with the spirit of polar discovery. Ross
had brought home his crews in a higher state of health
and contentment than any captain had perhaps ever done
before from a voyage of great duration and difficulty.
A new expedition after a few years was the natural,
almost the inevitable result, yet for a generation the in-
terest of the country and of the world was averted from
the southern ice. The reason of this remarkable cir-
cumstance was not the Russian War nor the Indian
Mutiny, for the British Navy has not been wont to let
war interfere with discovery when the right man has
been found to open up a worthy field. One cannot for-
get that Cook sailed on his last voyage of exploration
nearly a year after the American War of Independence
had broken out. The real reason was the action of the
man who of all men would have most indignantly de-
nied the possibility of his proving a barrier to polar ex-
ploration— Sir John Franklin.
332 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
The Erebus and Terror were no sooner safe at home
again than their services were required for a new expe-
dition, this time to attempt the solution of the three-hun-
dred-year-old problem of a North-West Passage from the
Atlantic to the Pacific. The question of the command
received some anxious thought at the Admiralty. Un-
doubtedly had Ross wished it he would have had the ap-
pointment, and his name was freely referred to in the
newspapers of the time as the one man for the post ; but
he declined it in advance, though tempted by the offer of
a baronetcy and a good-service pension if he would con-
sent to go. It has been said that an agreement with his
wife’s family when he was married in 1843 prevented
him from taking the command. In any case the southern
voyage had been far more trying to the captain than to
the crews, and the wear and tear of the ceaseless respon-
sibility and anxiety made a prolonged rest desirable.
Sir John Franklin had been recalled from his Governor-
ship of Tasmania in a manner which incensed him deeply
and made him at the age of fifty-nine nervously anxious
to prove by some new achievement in his old field of
Arctic exploration that he was indeed worthy of the con-
fidence in which he was held by the public and by all de-
partments of the Government except the Colonial Office.
No one can doubt now, and probably no one who knew
the facts of polar climate doubted then, that the willing
spirit of Franklin caused him to underestimate the weak-
ness of the flesh. The polar regions are fitted only for
the efforts of young men in the zenith of their strength,
the only possible exceptions being tough old whalers
who have never had time to be softened by so much as
a summer at home, and. the fitness of whose selection is
attested by the fewness of their contemporaries. Frank-
AVERTED INTEREST
333
lin was not a man of this kind; but he was determined
to go. The nation admired his pluck with the generous
impulse that prompts admiration of any action in which
the means seem inadequate to the end in view ; the Admi-
ralty and his personal friends recognised that his accept-
ance of the command would heal a painful wound and
satisfy the feeling dear to the official mind that seniority
is the highest claim to employment. Moreover the Coun-
cil of the Royal Society had sent a strong recommenda-
tion of Franklin as the best possible commander of the
new expedition, and that of itself would probably have
decided the Government in the matter.
The Erebus and Terror were overhauled, and to in-
augurate the new era then dawning in the control of the
sea they were fitted with auxiliary engines and screw
propellers, being thus the first steam vessels to meet the
polar ice. They sailed from England almost simultane-
ously with the return of the Pagoda to the Cape of Good
Hope. Captain Crozier was in command of the Terror
as he had been under Ross in the Antarctic voyage; the
popular hero Sir John Franklin commanded the Erebus
and the expedition. On July 26, 1845, the old Antarctic
ships were spoken by a whaler in Davis Strait and re-
ported that both crews were all well and in remarkable
spirits; then the curtain fell.
This is not the place to repeat the oft-told tale of the
long absence of news, the growing anxiety of friends at
home, the lavish efforts of the Admiralty to obtain infor-
mation by means of naval expeditions which were singu-
larly though perhaps not inexplicably unfortunate, or of
the magnificent perseverance of Lady Franklin, and the
final discovery of authentic records by Sir Leopold
McClintock during a private voyage in the little Fox. It
334 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
is enough to say that the halo of romance thrown round
the Arctic regions by Franklin’s fate and his wife’s de-
votion turned the eyes of the few among the public who
cared for these things from the more sombre south. All
polar exploration and polar research clung round the
nearer problem of the north, and the south was all but
forgotten. The fascination of the valueless North-West
and North-East Passages had kept the world’s attention
for centuries while all the time the whole volume of trade
flowed in the South-East and South-West Passages by the
Capes of Good Hope and Horn through the all but
unknown Southern Ocean where no exploring ship was
destined to sail again for yet thirty years.
All the same there were not wanting men who, con-
cerning themselves with the phenomena of nature and
the safety of sailors rather than the emotions of the gen-
eral public, saw the immense importance of increasing
our fragmentary knowledge of the remotest south. First
amongst these stands Matthew Fontaine Maury, an
officer of the United States Navy, a profound scientific
investigator, and the most brilliant writer who ever at-
tempted to put into words the wonders of the sea as they
are revealed to an appreciative mind by the patient
study of facts. Maury’s “ Physical Geography of the
Sea ” is so full of charm, so permeated by his own enthu-
siasm that even now, after the data have been corrected
almost beyond recognition by subsequent research, and
the theories shown to be fallacious or imperfect, the book
remains the most popular treatise on the oceans. As
Superintendent of the United States Hydrographic Office
Maury did much to improve the science of navigation
and the study of oceanic and atmospheric phenomena not
in his own country only but throughout the world. His
AVERTED INTEREST
335
name was honoured in every Admiralty, he corresponded
on terms of cordiality with emperors and princes ; scien-
tific institutions in almost every country showered their
honours upon him, though it is curious to note in the
list of these distinctions that the British Empire is repre-
sented by the University of Cambridge alone.
In the middle of the nineteenth century steamers were
so far perfected as to begin to come into rivalry with sail-
ing ships as cargo-boats; but they were still so slow and
their coal-endurance so limited that a well-found clip-
per, commanded by a thoroughly trained navigator pos-
sessed of a sound knowledge of winds and currents could
still beat them on long voyages. Every improvement
in the science of ocean meteorology gave the sailing ship
a fresh advantage and prolonged the struggle for su-
premacy on the sea with the growing power of steam.
Thanks to Maury’s teaching American merchant cap-
tains were the first to adopt the shortest or great-circle
route on their voyages round the Cape of Good Hope and
Australia to China, and back by Cape Horn. In doing
so they necessarily reached high southern latitudes. The
common use of maps on Mercator’s projection makes it
difficult for the ordinary reader to understand how the
shortest track from the Cape of Good Hope to New Zea-
land can possibly lead a vessel south of the Antarctic cir-
cle. The full explanation in words would fill several
pages and form a wearisome digression, but a piece of
thread stretched tight from Cape Town to Dunedin on a
common school globe will prove in half a minute that the
fact is beyond controversy. One of the American ships,
inspired by Maury, discovered Heard Island south of
Kerguelen while pursuing such a course. A British
ship making a similar course lit on McDonald Island
336 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
close to the same position, and the islands were inde-
pendently discovered more than once before they ap-
peared on the chart. Many vessels encountered great
danger from the floating ice and the contrary winds ex-
perienced south of 6o° S., and it was found before long
that the quickest passage was not to be made by the
shortest route. Ships now take a composite course, find-
ing it more economical to sail a longer distance in the
clear seas and favourable winds between 40° and 50° S.
than to run the risk of long nights, floating ice and con-
trary winds that beset the shortest track.
While these things were being discovered Maury felt
the need for a more detailed knowledge of the Antarctic
seas and especially of Antarctic weather, so that the sail-
ing directions could be amplified and corrected, and he
gradually came to the conclusion that the time was ripe
for the resumption of Antarctic exploration. He had
been successful in securing international cooperation
in the study of maritime meteorology and knowing what
could be done by voluntary association he felt that the
exploration of the Antarctic was too great a work for any
nation to undertake single-handed, though this also he
attempted to bring about. In the winter of i860 he
visited England and read a paper to the Royal Geo-
graphical Society on the Physical Geography of the Sea
in connection with an Antarctic Expedition. He urged
that the Admiralty should take the matter up in the in-
terests of navigation. Many comfortable words were
spoken in the discussion which followed. Captain Maury
was assured of the high esteem in which he was held, he
was reminded of the immense services he had rendered
to all seafarers, and the President said that a British
expedition towards the South Pole would be “ as much
AVERTED INTEREST
337
for the general benefit of mankind as it was for the glory
of this country but nothing followed.
Maury next sent a letter appealing for consideration
to the Ministers of all the chief Powers at Washington,
and the letter addressed to Lord Lyons was transmitted
by him to the Foreign Office who referred it to the Ad-
miralty, and the Admiralty sent it to the Secretary of
the British Association by whom it was put before the
Department of Meteorology at the Manchester meeting
in 1861. The letter set forth reasons for believing that
though the summer in the Antarctic region was colder
than that in the Arctic the winter would probably be
milder in the south than in the north. Accordingly
Maury suggested that an expedition should be dispatched
with a base in Australia to search for a safe harbour in
which one or two vessels to be sent south the following
year could winter for two or three seasons, with relief
provided each year from the base. His arguments did
not lack force or eloquence. After referring to the ex-
peditions of D’Urville, Ross and Wilkes (he used the
alphabetic order) Maurv proceeded:
“ But since that time the world has grown in knowl-
edge, and man has gained wonderfully in his power for
conquest in this field of research. We have now the sea-
steamer, which former Arctic Explorers had not; the
experience acquired since their day, in polar explora-
tion about the Arctic regions, enables us to overcome
many an obstacle that loomed up before them in truly
formidable proportions. The gold of Australia has built
up among the Antipodes of Europe one of the most exten-
sive shipping ports in the world. By steam, it is within
less than a week’s sailing distance of the Antarctic Cir-
cle ; and thus those unknown regions of the south
22
33B SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
instead of being far remote, as in the time of all pre-
vious explorers they were, have, since exploration was
last attempted there, been actually brought within a few
days’ sail of a great commercial mart, with its stores, its
supplies, and resources of all kinds. The advantages
and facilities for Antarctic exploration are inconceivably
greater now than in the days of Cook and others. They
are greatly enhanced by the joint system of national co-
operation for the purpose of searching out the mysteries
of the sea, now recognised and practised by all maritime
nations. In this beautiful and beneficial cooperation,
officers of the different nations have learned to pull and
work together for a common good and a common glory.
This habit would be carried to the South Pole by co-
operation among the different nations concerned in
sending out vessels for exploration there. Nay, that
great unexplored area lies at the very doors of one of
the Powers that is most renowned in this field of dis-
covery.”
But the words were wasted. The British Association
took no action, and we do not know what reply was sent
to Washington. Probably there was no reply, for months
before the letter had passed through diplomatic channels
to repose in the quiet haven of the archives of the Par-
liament of Science, Maury had resigned his commis-
sion as Superintendent of the United States Hydro-
graphic Department and thrown in his lot with the
Southern States. Those who knew the intensity of his
devotion to the work of his office and who understood the
unique position he occupied as the centre of the world’s
maritime research could alone estimate the strength of
that sense of duty to his native State which tore him
away from all else he cared for. In the great convul-
His Excellency Geheimrath Prof. Dr. Georg yon Neumayer.
[ To face p . 338.
AVERTED INTEREST
339
sion which shook America the plans for an expedition to
the South Pole fell unheeded to the ground. The Civil
War broke up the small band of Americans interested in
such matters. Wilkes and Maury found themselves
no longer brothers-in-arms but fighting against each
other, the former afloat in the United States Navy, the
latter organising the defence of the Confederate shores.
The life of His Excellency Professor Georg von Neu-
mayer, a disciple of Maury’s, exhibits an extraordinary
pertinacity in the advocacy of the renewal of Antarctic
work for more than half a century. If there be any
truth in the saying:
“ ’Tis not what Man Does that exalts him,
But what Man Would do.”
Neumayer should take one of the highest places amongst
those who strove to unbar the gates of the South, and
if the name of a cherished locality is ever engraved by
the earnest thought of years upon a human heart Dr. von
Neumayer’s is surely marked broad with the word
Siidpol.
On taking his degree in 1849, Georg Neumayer’s
mind was full of the exploring voyages of Ross, Wilkes,
and Dumont D’Urville, and the scientific deductions of
Gauss and Sabine. Resolved to pursue his studies in
terrestrial magnetism and in the science of the ocean, and
not without the ambition of aiding a United Germany to
arise and grow into a maritime Power, he made a voy-
age to South America in a Hamburg ship in order to
acquire a practical knowledge of nautical astronomy and
navigation. On his return he passed his examination as
Mate, and spent several months in the effort to obtain a
post in the Austrian Navy, Austria being then the most
340 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
powerful maritime State of the German Confederation.
Failing in this, he gave a series of lectures in Ham-
burg on Maury’s theories of the ocean and on the recent
improvements in the science of navigation; and since
he could find no other way of gratifying his craving to
see the southern hemisphere, he shipped as a common
sailor and landed at Port Jackson in Australia in
1852. Pie spent two years in the Australian Colonies,
part of the time as a gold digger at Bendigo, and, when
the digging was unfortunate, as a lecturer on naviga-
tion in a tent to audiences of sailors disappointed in the
quest of gold. In 1854 he returned to Europe on a sail-
ing ship with a mutinous crew, and he came back re-
solved to leave no stone unturned to get up a voyage of
scientific exploration toward the South Pole, or a jour-
ney into the then unknown interior of Australia.
Neumayer was fortunate in making the acquaint-
ance of Alexander von Plumboldt, the chief mover as we
have seen, in the revival of Antarctic exploration twenty
years previously, and he also met Dove, the meteorologist,
and the great chemist, Liebig. King Maximilian II of
Bavaria, an enlightened patron of science, who con-
sulted Liebig as his chief scientific counsellor, considered
a memorial drawn up by Neumayer on the important re-
sults bearing on Antarctic research which would accrue
from the study of terrestrial magnetism at Melbourne,
and granted the funds for establishing the well-known
Flagstaff Observatory. I11 August, 1856, before leaving
for Melbourne to take up this work, Neumayer laid his
plans for a physical observatory before the British As-
sociation at Cheltenham, and received the approval of
Whewell, Airy and Faraday.
While carrying on the magnetic and meteorological
AVERTED INTEREST
34i
observations at the Flagstaff Observatory, and collect-
ing on Maury’s plan all possible data as to the naviga-
tion of the Southern Ocean, Dr. Neumayer took a
prominent part on the Committee which directed the
exploration of the interior of Australia; but in 1862 he
once more returned to his favourite subject of Antarctic
research. In a farewell address to his countrymen at
Melbourne as he was leaving for Europe he said:
“ It would be a glorious moment in the next period of
my career if I could seek the Antarctic regions in a Ger-
man ship, and perhaps sometime you will see me return
to these shores accompanied by the pick of the youth of all
German races, bound on a voyage to the South Pole.”
So far did the coming of the Gauss cast its shadow
before.
Dr. Neumayer urged the practical side of Antarctic
research ; he showed how it would increase the certainty
of navigation, and how it would stimulate the spirit of
maritime enterprise which, from his student days, he had
recognised as an indispensable element of national great-
ness. Thus he took as the theme of his first serious ap-
peal on returning to his fatherland, at Frankfort in 1865,
the importance of Antarctic exploration and the neces-
sity for the foundation of a central institution for the sys-
tematic study of oceanography and marine meteorology.
The latter suggestion was acted on in a liberal spirit,
and in his direction of the Deutsche Seewarte at Ham-
burg, Dr. von Neumayer has fulfilled his life-work and
placed his country in possession of an oceanographical
institution of which Maury himself would have been
proud, and which is the admiration, if not the envy, of the
oceanographers of other countries. Not only has it
proved of inestimable practical value to the seafarer, but
342 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
it has afforded training to a number of scientific men
whose names, already well known, are destined to occupy
a high place on the roll of students of nature.
The other design was not accomplished ; the prophet of
the Antarctic was never to enter his land of promise.
Dr. Neumayer suggested that an expedition for Antarc-
tic research should be fitted out as a preliminary to the
Transit of Venus Expedition in 1874. The Vienna
Academy of Sciences took the matter up cordially on the
advice of Admiral Tegetthoff, and Dr. Neumayer was
promised the command of an expedition to set out from
Hamburg towards the end of 1870. The outbreak of
the Franco-Prussian War and the birth of the German
Empire interrupted the expedition, but Admiral Tegett-
hoff revived it in the following year, and all was going
well when the sudden death of the Admiral brought the
plan to an untimely end. So Austria-Hungary lost the
honour of renewing South Polar research, and Dr. Neu-
mayer the opportunity of becoming an explorer.
War and death — the catastrophes of nations and of
men — broke the smooth run of the thread of our history
not once but many times. Yet, after each check, another
voice was raised in support of a renewal of Antarctic re-
search. The Astronomer Royal, Sir G. B. Airy, had
pointed out the desirability of securing a station for ob-
serving the transits of Venus of 1874 and 1882 south of
the Antarctic Circle and somewhere near the meridian
of 105° E., and the general voice of Arctic navigators
was in favour of this being done by dispatching a pre-
liminary expedition to find a suitable spot. Staff Com-
mander J. E. Davis, formerly Second Master on the
Terror, whose vivid description of the collision with the
Erebus was quoted in an earlier chapter, read a paper to
AVERTED INTEREST
343
the Royal Geographical Society early in 1869 “ O11 Ant-
arctic Discovery and its connection with the Transit of
Venus in 1882.” He pointed out that while the names of
the Arctic discoverers were familiar to all, scarcely any-
one knew those of the heroes of the Antarctic, and but for
the approaching transits of Venus which could best be
observed in high southern latitudes he believed the Ant-
arctic might remain neglected for another century.
Davis suggested that as the weather in the Antarctic re-
gions when fine was so gloriously clear it would be worth
while to arrange for an expedition to go out in the south-
ern summer of 1881-82, if not in 1873, to Victoria Land
and try to establish an observing station on Coulman
Island, or failing that on Possession Island where a land-
ing could certainly be effected. There was a discus-
sion in which the Arctic officers who had supported
Airy’s suggestion of the year before reiterated their
views, but nothing came of the proposal beyond kindly
expressions and congratulations on the previous serv-
ices of the pleader. The transit of Venus, though not
neglected by astronomers, had no longer the power to
stimulate exploration in the way it had done when
Cook set out on his first voyage of circumnavigation.
The opportunity was lost. From what quarter the first
throb of steam power came to the Antarctic seas will
appear in the next chapter.
CHAPTER XVII
THE CHALLENGER
* Fair beams the torch of science in thine hand.
And sheds its brightness o’er the glimmering land.”
— E. B. Browning.
RISTOTLE is said to have been the first marine
biologist, at any rate he described a great number of
the denizens of the zEgean waters, and the lantern-like
dental apparatus of the sea-urchin is called Aristotle's
Lantern to this day. Far back as the time is when Aris-
totle studied the sea-creatures of the Greek Archipelago,
we have to go all that way if we wish to trace to its origin
the line of thought which first brought steam to the Ant-
When the study of marine zoology began to revive in
modern times the domain of the naturalist was for cen-
turies restricted to the shore between tide marks, unless
when rare occasions served and he was young and bold,
he voyaged with the fishing boats and made great booty
of their “ rubbish.” With the exception of some shark
fishers off the coast of Portugal who brought up by
their deep-sea lines some siliceous sponges rivalling in
beauty the “ Venus's flower basket,” even the adventurers
in boats were limited to shallow waters near the shore.
After the naturalist borrowed and adapted the imple-
ments of the oyster dredger and the trawler he still fixed
his attention on shallow water, collecting mainly within
what he knew as the littoral zone. He ascertained that
arctic.
344
THE CHALLENGER
345
as the depth increased the wealth of animal life dimin-
ished rapidly ; and at the time in the “ forties ” and
“ fifties ” of last century when the records of the British
Association bristle with Committees to promote the
exploration of the British Seas by means of the dredge,
that attractive expression “ the bathymetric zero of life ”
figured not infrequently on scientific pages. There was
some reason for it, as there is for most attractive errors.
In the Black Sea for instance, death reigns below the
depth of a few hundred fathoms, and the mud at the
bottom is putrid, exhaling sulphuretted hydrogen. More-
over it had been supposed in the beginning of the nine-
teenth century that the temperature of the sea, diminishing
rapidly, as it was known to do, must fall so low in great
depths as to leave the bottom covered with eternal ice.
Observations carried out with faulty thermometers led
later explorers to the equally false and much less logical
conclusion that the great mass of the ocean below the
upper skin of warm or cold water had a uniform tempera-
ture of 390 F. right down to the bottom. This delusion
may possibly have originated in some person, whose opin-
ion carried too much weight to be lightly questioned, for-
getting or never learning that on being cooled down, salt
water, unlike fresh water, does not attain its maximum
density some degrees above the freezing point. Be that
as it may, the construction of thermometers adequately
protected against the enormous pressure of great depths
set the error right soon after the discovery was made that
long submarine cables could be used for transmitting
telegraphic messages across the oceans.
The contour of the bed of the North Atlantic was soon
felt out by lines of close and accurate soundings. Cables
that had been deposited for some years in very deep
346 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
water were hauled up for repairs and found to be crusted
with living shells. Then the authorities concerned with
the study of marine life remembered a number of con-
firmatory instances, how old Sir John Ross had got up
sundry curious creatures from the mud at a great depth
in the Arctic regions in 1818, and his nephew Sir James
Clark Ross using the same “ deep-sea clamms ” had se-
cured very similar creatures in the equally deep water of
the Antarctic seas more than twenty years later; and it
was recognised that after all there might be no zero of life.
Indeed so far did the pendulum swing that while the
researches were still in their infancy learned biologists
thought and even spoke of the whole floor of the ocean,
down to the depths of the profoundest abysses, being
clothed with a sheet of living protoplasm. No grander
idea ever entered the human mind; it was the girdler
snake of the Northern Mythology revived and extended
into an all-embracing, pulsating being, without beginning
or end. One could picture the edges of this living
sheet as it approached the shore-line breaking up into
protozoa which as the ages ran on developed into every
organism, so that the whole range of organic evolution
could be traced by descending into the depths of the sea.
Bathybius haeckelii was the name of this hypothetical
primordial being which figured but for a little while
upon the stage of the microscope, and was relegated by
later research to the limbo of the kraken and the roc.
Dr. W. B. Carpenter from the time when he wrote his
thesis for the degree of M. D. on the Nervous System of
Invertebrate Animals in 1839 took the keenest interest
in the life of the sea. Not content with shallow water
dredging, and convinced of the value of deep-sea research
in its bearings on the science of life, he induced the
THE CHALLENGER
347
Royal Society to apply to Government again and again
for the use of naval vessels to investigate these matters,
and as a result he made observations from the Shear-
water in the Mediterranean in 1866, and secured expedi-
tions in the Porcupine to the Bay of Biscay in 1868, and
in the Lightning to the North Atlantic in 1869 under
Professor Wyville Thomson. The experience of each
cruise increased the ease of using the deep-sea dredge
and trawl, and produced fresh evidence as to the abund-
ance of life at the greatest depths, the variety and
importance of the distribution of temperature and the
interest attaching to the deposits of the deep sea.
The various instruments used in deep-sea work were
rapidly improved, especially the sounding-leads which
were loaded with heavy sinkers that became detached
automatically when they struck the bottom, remaining
behind and leaving only a light brass tube to be hauled
up with a sample of the deposit contained in it.
The results of the various short summer cruises were
sufficient to show that if an expedition could be fitted out
for the special purpose of research in marine physics,
chemistry and biology with all the seas of the world as
its field of work, an immense increase in knowledge would
be the result. The Hydrographer to the Admiralty,
Admiral Sir George Richards, indicated to the Council of
the Royal Society that such an expedition might be fitted
out if sufficient reason were produced by the Society;
and the lines he suggested were adopted in approaching
the Government. The Treasury came to the wise decis-
ion that money spent on such a voyage would not be
wasted, and the right moment in the history of science
was for once seized in the right way. The Govern-
ment could hardly have been aware at the time of the
348 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
magnitude of the work, and certainly could not have fore-
seen the immense prestige which that decision was to
secure to the British name amongst the intellectual of
all countries ; but the work once undertaken was carried
out in the most generous and ample spirit.
The field of the expedition was so enormous that the
chief difficulty in planning it lay in finding parts of the
world to exclude, rather than parts to include within its
scope. It was felt from the beginning that whatever
might be left out the border of the Antarctic regions
must not be neglected, though a vessel adapted for explo-
ration in the ice would have been totally unsuited for the
long sojourns that w'ere contemplated in tropical w’aters.
The promoters of the deep-sea expedition kept a double
end in view. They wished to secure a physical as well as
a biological survey of all the oceans. The objects of
special study were to be the depth and configuration of
the bed of the oceans, the nature, origin and distribu-
tion of the deposits resting upon it, the chemical compo-
sition, salinity, temperature and movements of the water
from the surface to the bottom, and finally the distribu-
tion of organic life throughout all depths and in every
accessible latitude and longitude. As to latitude the
Arctic regions were left out of account for the time, but
the Southern Ocean was to be explored “ as far as the
neighbourhood of the great Ice Barrier.”
The Admiralty assigned to the service H. M. S. Chal-
lenger a roomy wooden corvette of 2306 tons, provided
with auxiliary steam power. She was not fortified for
ice navigation, but was thoroughly sound, and even
without steam she was, except for her size, probably
better fitted for an Antarctic voyage than any of the
ships of Bellingshausen, Wilkes or D’Urville. The
Sir John Murray, K.C.B., of the u Challenger.
(Photo by Messrs. Thomson, London.)
[To face p. 348.
THE CHALLENGER
349
Admiralty placed her under the command of Captain
George S. Nares, R.N., and the Royal Society nominated
a civilian scientific staff under the direction of Professor
C. Wyville Thomson, of Edinburgh. The captain and
the professor shared the same day cabin, and their sleep-
ing cabins were in positions of equal dignity and advan-
tage. While the captain was of course the absolute
master of the ship and crew, he was instructed to com-
municate freely with the director on all matters touch-
ing the scientific work of the expedition. Part of that
work was confided to the naval officers who undertook
the whole of the magnetic and meteorological observa-
tions. The civilian staff, who were of course “ expected
to conform” to the usages of a ship of war, included
Mr. J. J. Wild, the Artist and Secretary to the Director,
Mr. H. N. Moseley of Oxford and Mr. John Murray as
biologists, and also Dr. von Willemoes Suhm, who died
on the voyage ; Mr. J. Y. Buchanan was charged with the
chemical, physical and geological work.
The Circumnavigation Committee of the Royal Society
drew up a scheme for the track of the exploring ship
across the oceans, one portion of which may be quoted as
showing to what extent the Challenger was intended to
undertake Antarctic exploration. The route after lead-
ing to the Cape of Good Hope was to proceed :
“ Thence by the Marion Islands, the Crozets, and
Kerguelen Land to Australia and New Zealand, going
southward en route opposite the centre of the Indian
Ocean, as near as may be with convenience and safety, to
the southern Ice Barrier.”
This was in order to investigate the especially interest-
ing fauna of the Antarctic seas regarding which the
Committee said:
350 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Probably investigations in those latitudes may be dif-
ficult; it must be remembered however that the marine
fauna of those regions is nearly unknown, that it must
bear a most interesting relation to the fauna of high
northern latitudes, that the region is inaccessible except
under such circumstances as the present, and that every
addition to our knowledge of it will be of value.”
One more quotation may be allowed, this time from
the detailed instructions given to Captain Nares in 1872
by the Admiralty, where, after telling him when on his
way from Kerguelen to Australia to “ look at ” Heard or
McDonald Island and then strike southward in the neigh-
borhood of 90° E., he is informed that:
“ Captain Moore reached to the parallel of 65° in this
meridian in 1845 ar*d observed the appearance of land to
the westward. It is not desirable however that you
should pursue any extended hydrographical exploration
in this region with a single unfortified ship.”
The Challenger sailed on 21st December, 1872, pursu-
ing her course across the North Atlantic and back again
several times, calling at most of the island groups on the
way and gaining experience in the use of deep-sea instru-
ments by the usual unroyal road. Then she crossed
the South Atlantic to Bahia and at length reached the
Cape of Good Hope on October 28th, 1873. After an
interval for rest and refitting the Challenger sailed from
Simon s Bay on December 17th, for the portion of her
voyage to which the early part of this chapter has been
introductory. It was scarcely an Antarctic expedition,
yet more real knowledge of the nature of the Antarctic
regions was obtained in the course of it than in any other
voyage up to that time, Ross’s excepted. This was not
because the ship went far, but because the opportunities
THE CHALLENGER
35i
which presented themselves were used to the full at the
time and discussed in the completest way possible after-
wards.
The ship stopped at Prince Edward and Marion
Islands and made a landing. There the naturalists ob-
served for the first, and as it happened the only time
during the cruise, the curious pouch-like arrangement of
the skin on which the penguins carry their eggs or young,
a feature which had led a mariner shipwrecked on the
Crozets forty years before to compare the penguins to
kangaroos. The next land to be explored was in the
Crozets, but after bringing in the New Year, 1874, dodg-
ing about in the fog off the inhospitable shores and vainly
trying to find a sheltered landing, the attempt was
abandoned. The ship pursued her way to Kerguelen
Land running before a strong northwesterly wind which
raised too much sea to allow of soundings being taken.
On January 7th the Challenger anchored in Christmas
Harbour, Kerguelen Land. Here a good deal of survey-
ing was done, and three weeks spent in the harbour or
cruising along the coast, for Captain Nares was charged
with the selection of a suitable site for observing the
transits of Venus in 1874 and 1882.
The naturalists had a busy time in studying the fauna
and flora of the island, while the officers whose tastes lay
more in the direction of sport than science were no less
absorbed by the ducks, penguins, and seals which
abounded. American sealers were met at Kerguelen,
where they still continued to work, whaling also in the
neighbouring seas. One party stayed on Heard Island
while the main body cruised from Kerguelen in small
vessels, a larger ship communicating once a year with a
Connecticut port. The importance of the whale fishery
352 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
and seal hunting carried on from this outpost of the
Antarctic had dwindled greatly from what it was when
Ross paid his visit thirty years before.
On February ist the Challenger left Kerguelen and four
days later passed McDonald Island and reached Heard
Island where Captain Nares landed, accompanied by
Messrs. Buchanan and Moseley. They were greeted by a
group of amazed sealers with the words, “ Guess you’re
out of your reckoning,” for these men could not imagine
any motive but the search for seals to bring a ship to such
a remote and uninviting spot of land, and the Challenger
was obviously no sealer. A dismal enough life the forty
seal hunters led, housed in huts half excavated in the
ground so as to be easily covered with snow for warmth
in winter, and scattered in groups along the coast seldom
communicating with each other. Part of their work con-
sisted in watching the landing of the seals and driving
them back to sea with whips made of sea-leopard skin
when they tried to come ashore on beaches which could
not be approached by the schooners on their annual visit.
The rest consisted in killing the poor beasts when they
landed at last in places where the skins and blubber could
be readily shipped. The glaciers creeping from the cen-
tral mountain cut off the different segments of the island
from one another and made them very difficult of access.
The attempt to travel on the beach round the coast was
even more hazardous than braving the crevasses and the
fog on the glaciers of the higher slopes. The weather
was so bad that the Challenger could not survey the
island, and it remains to this day uncharted save for the
rough sketches made by the sealers. They, too, have now
deserted it after killing off the seals, and ships, as we
have seen, no longer enter upon those seas unless driven.
THE CHALLENGER
353
far out of their course, so that the veil once lifted has
dropped again, and Heard Island has drifted back into
the unknown.
On February 8th, 1874, the Challenger resumed her
course southward on the meridian of 8o° E. and fared no
better, though no worse, in the way of weather than did
her predecessors in the same seas. The first iceberg was
seen on the nth in 61 0 S., a beautiful flat-topped mass
700 yards in length, floating with more than 200 feet above
water. For some days the weather improved, and only a
few icebergs were in sight at a time, though these were of
exquisite beauty, especially on account of their deep azure
colouring. It was found necessary to lay-to during the
few hours of darkness, in order to reduce the risk of col-
lision with floating ice, and as fogs were frequent and the
coal supply was not so ample as to encourage the use of
steam when sails would serve, the day’s runs were often
very small.
On the 15th a good deal of ice was visible, the edge of
the pack being in sight to the southeast. A sounding was
made in 65° 42' S., 790 49' E., where a depth of 1675
fathoms was found. Temperature observations were
made as usual at frequent intervals of depth, but the ther-
mometers which had given excellent results in tropical
and temperate seas now found themselves in the presence
of conditions with which they could not cope. The deep-
sea thermometer used by the Challenger was known as
the Miller-Casella, a modification of the familiar Sixe’s
form. A steel index in one limb of a tube bent into
the shape of the letter U was left at a point indicating
the highest temperature the thermometer had passed
through, and a similar index in the other limb was left
at a point indicating the lowest temperature to which the
23
354 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
instrument had been subjected. Before the thermometers
were lowered into the water the two indexes were set by
means of a magnet so that both indicated the tempera-
ture at that moment. Hitherto the surface water had
been the warmest and so when the thermometer returned
THE CHALLENGER
355
to the surface the index on the maximum side had not
moved, while that on the minimum side showed in every
case the temperature at the deepest point to which it had
been sunk, the temperature falling as the depth increased.
But now on account of the enormous masses of ice be-
neath the surface the coldest layer of water was not at
the bottom, and the thermometers from all depths below
the zone of lowest temperature showed merely the tem-
perature of that zone and gave no information as to what
the condition of things might be beneath it. After some
experimenting it was found possible, by cooling the ther-
mometers down to the temperature of melting sea-ice
before setting the indexes, to utilise the maximum side
for reading the temperature below the cold zone and
thus it was ascertained that in the depths of the Antarctic
Sea there were layers of water of higher and lower
temperature sandwiched one above another. Since the
Outer Case of Miller- Casella
Deep- Sea T h er m o m eter.
cruise of the Challenger deep-sea thermometers on an
entirely different principle have been perfected, making
it possible to ascertain the exact temperature at any
point of depth.
The interest of these observations does not lie in the
gratification of an idle curiosity as to how warm or cold
356 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
it is down there, but in the evidence which is afforded as
to the movement of the water, the effects of which are
made apparent not in the sea alone but in the air and
in the weather of all parts of the Earth’s surface. This
observing station was peculiarly interesting for it was the
point nearest to the South Pole at which the conditions
of the deep ocean had been observed and the forms of
life dwelling on the sea-bed collected. When the dredge
was hauled the ship proceeded along the edge of the
pack westward in the hope of getting into a clearer sea.
On the 1 6th the weather was remarkably clear, and
from the masthead the ice seemed to form a continuous
barrier, though on steaming toward it the apparently
smooth wall was found to consist of numerous separate
bergs, all about 200 feet high, and some of them as much
as four miles in length. For a time Nares hoped to be able
to make a landing on the ice for magnetic observations ;
but the smaller pieces were rising and falling with the
swell so as to be useless for the purpose, while the steep
sides of the larger ice-islands made their flat tops quite
inaccessible.
At 2.30 p. m. on 16th February, 1874, the position of
66° 40' S. was reached, 8 miles within the Antarctic
circle, in 78° 22' E. No pack ice was then in sight and
a clear sky to the southward promised well for an attempt
to reach higher latitudes. It was evident that the pack
seen on previous days was only a detached floe. Pen-
guins and whales were in sight and many pieces of broken
ice. It was not however the intention to make a high
latitude or to push southward until the way was blocked
by ice, and the Challenger turned, content with having
been the first steam vessel to touch and cross the magic
circle of the south.
THE CHALLENGER
357
A good deal of disappointment was felt on board that
no new land was sighted, and that the great ice-barrier
believed to lie not far within the pack was not even seen.
However something definite was done, and the reports
of extremely abundant whales in these seas was con-
firmed, though as there were no practical whalemen on
board the commercial value of the cetaceans seen could
not be positively known.
The serious work of the Challenger lay eastward along
the margin of the floating pack where three more sound-
ings and dredgings in from 1300 to 1975 fathoms were
made south of 6o° S. All were extremely rich in living
forms of every kind possible in the deep sea, in fact the
hauls teemed with life more than in any of the other
dredging stations of the whole world-wide cruise. The
usual easterly wind proved troublesome as the ship was
attempting to make her way towards the “ Termination
Land ” doubtfully reported by Wilkes. Many observa-
tions of the icebergs were made, one berg was bombarded
with a twelve-pounder to test the quality of the ice, and,
what is much more important, the bergs were photo-
graphed for the first time and interesting water-colour
paintings made to put on record their wonderful depth
and richness of colour.
On February 23rd the ship was stopped by the pack
in 64° 18' S., 940 47' E., only 20 miles east of the assumed
position of Termination Land, of which nothing was
seen though the horizon was clear. A sounding in 1300
fathoms was obtained at this point. Next day a serious
accident was narrowly averted as described without emo-
tion in the official Narrative:
“ At this time the weather looked very threatening, and
snow began to fall, so the ship steamed under the lee of a
358 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
berg and the top-sails were close reefed. Whilst keeping
head to wind under the berg, steaming slowly, a sudden
lull for a minute, by removing the force against which the
screw was acting, caused the ship to gather headway, and
before the engines could be stopped the vessel ran into
the berg and carried away the jib-boom, martingale, and
one of the whiskers. The ship was backed astern clear
of the berg, and having finished reefing, and furled the
top-sails, laid-to under fore and aft sails on the port tack
to get in the wreck of the jib-boom. The weather con-
tinued to get gradually worse and the heavy snow-fall
obscuring the view, rendered the position an anxious one.”
In his racy “ Log Letters from the Challenger,” Lord
George Campbell, who was one of the officers, gives a
more animated account of the circumstances following
the loss of the jib-boom, though no less permeated by
technicalities and not to be understood without some
vague doubts by land-lubbers:
“ We drifted on all forenoon, seeing no bergs through
the fog and blinding showers of snow though we knew
that they were close around somewhere. In the mean-
time we were hard at work getting in the wreck of the
head gear — no easy work in the intense cold and violent
wind — when suddenly, at three o’clock, in the middle of a
tremendous thick squall, comes the hail from the fore-
castle, < Iceberg close to under the lee bow, Sir ! ’ There
is no room to steam ahead, so ‘ full speed astern ! 9 Rattle,
rattle, goes the screw, sixty revolutions a minute ; ‘ Clear
lower deck, make sail ! ’ shriek the boatswain’s mates ; on
deck flies everybody ; 4 Maintopmen aloft ; loose the main-
topsail !’ ‘ Forepart, take in the fore try-sail !’ The Cap-
tain and Commander howling out orders from the bridge,
hardly heard in the roaring of the wind ; officers repeat-
H.M.S. “ Challenger ” after Collision with an Iceberg
(From the “ Challenger” Narrative.)
THE CHALLENGER
359
ing the howls. The weather-clew of the maintopsail is
set aback, the headsails taken in, slowly she gathers stem
way, keeping her head turning slightly towards the berg,
a towering, dim white mass looming grimly through the
driving snow, and then she clears it — a narrow shave!
The violence of the wind prevented us then from making
a friend of our enemy by keeping under its lee, so the ship
was again allowed to drift on, amid dense fog and snow,
till five o'clock, when another iceberg was seen at a little
distance ahead, to leeward of which we drifted, where
the wind being broken, the ship's head was turned by
means of steam and sail, and all night long we kept dodg-
ing backwards and forwards between these two bergs,
where we knew the sea to be clear of dangers. In the
evening the weather became clearer, though it still blew
hard ; deck covered with slush ice. Anxious work enough
for the officers of watches and the Captain, who was on
deck for I don't know how many continuous hours."
Released from this peril the Challenger pushed a couple
of miles into the pack until she was only about fifteen miles
from the position of Termination Land as charted. See-
ing nothing of it she turned and steered a northeasterly
course and passed the parallel of 6o° northward on the
meridian of 99 ° E. on February 28th, having been south
of it for 18 days during which the ship sailed over 22
degrees of longitude. On March 17th she arrived at
Melbourne and the Antarctic part of the voyage was over.
The actual exploration amongst the ice on the surface
was so little that on a superficial view it would seem
absurd to devote a chapter to it ; but the study of the sur-
face fauna and flora and of the half dozen deep soundings
made during that time revealed a wealth of new informa-
tion. A good deal of the biological work would have been
360 siege of the south pole
anticipated by Sir James Ross had the collection brought
home by that explorer been fully worked up, and it is the
completeness with which every scrap of physical and
biological information obtained by the Challenger was
subsequently analysed and made use of which chiefly dis-
tinguishes the expedition from all that went before.
With regard to one of the specific problems prescribed
before the Challenger sailed, Sir John Murray pointed
out, that no fewer than ninety species of animals known
in the northern seas were also found living south of
Kerguelen, but had never been reported from any part of
the tropical seas that lie between the two polar regions.
For the rest, the study of the deposits showed conclusively
that the Antarctic continent exists and though, as Cook
asserted, it is eternally frost-bound it is a real continent
the rocks of which carried northward by the icebergs and
dropped on th'e floor of the ocean are of a kind only found
on continental land. The glaciated rock fragments dredged
by the Challenger which clearly proved that continental
land existed within the ice-bound region of the Antarctic
were gneisses, granites, mica-schists, grained quartzites,
sandstones, compact limestones, and shales, none of which
occur in any oceanic island. This is the discovery which
gives to the voyage of the Challenger its chief geographi-
cal importance, and it shows how unexpected are the lights
which scientific research is always throwing on questions
that seem at first sight very remote. It would be inter-
esting to conjure up the flood of indignant yet dignified
eloquence with which old Dalrymple would have over-
whelmed anyone who dared to make the “ illiberal impu-
tation ” that his great Southern Continent was to be dis-
covered by the aid of a microscope in the mud from a
sounding lead !
THE CHALLENGER 361
The Challenger left the Antarctic question in this posi-
tion: there is undoubtedly a continent within the Ant-
arctic circle covered for the most part with an immensely
thick coating of ice. Sir John Murray, taking account of
every indication, drew a hypothetical outline of that
continent which subsequent discovery has not as yet
materially modified. More than this, the study of the
Challenger’s meteorological investigations indicated, as
was clearly shown by Sir John Murray and Dr. A. Bu-
chan, that an area of permanently high atmospheric press-
ure lies over the ice-bound continent around the South
Pole.
We have seen how the researches of the mathe-
matician Gauss in terrestrial magnetism led directly to
the great Antarctic expeditions at the dawn of the Vic-
torian era. It is not too much to say that the work of the
Challenger and the discussions of that work by various
men of science, brought about the still greater expeditions
of the beginning of the twentieth century.
CHAPTER XVIII
STEAM WHALERS BOUND SOUTH
“The bergs like kelpies overside that girn and turn and shift
Whaur, grindin’ like the Mills o’ God, goes by the big South
Drift.
Hail, snow an’ ice that praise the Lord; I’ve met them at their
work,
An’ wished we had anither route or they anither kirk.”
— Rudyard Kipling.
ALTHOUGH Dr. Georg von Neumayer was disap-
- pointed of the command of an Antarctic expedition
both in 1870 and in 1871, he never ceased to urge on his
countrymen the importance of renewing exploration. His
voice perhaps received more attention abroad than at
home, but in time the spirit of polar exploration was
stirred all the same in the ancient Hansa towns of Ham-
burg and Bremen. A German Society for Polar Navi-
gation was founded in Hamburg to promote explora-
tion as well as whaling and sealing in the northern seas.
Its director, Herr Albert Rosenthal, provided large sums
of money for the work of the society, and in the words of
one of his countrymen he did more for German polar
exploration than the Emperor or the Empire. His atten-
tion was turned to the southern as well as the northern
polar seas, and in 1873 he sent out one of the Arctic
vessels to try her luck off the South Shetlands.
On July 22nd, 1873, the steam whaler Gronland, Cap-
tain Eduard Dallmann, sailed from Hamburg and made
her way southward along the South American coast,
362
STEAM WHALERS
363
reaching the South Shetlands at the beginning of the open
season on November 18th. It is interesting to find that
Dallmann, like Bellingshausen half a century before, met
a little fleet of sealing schooners hailing from Stonington,
Connecticut, at work around the islands. The charts
were not found of much value for navigation, and twice
the Gronland discovered new rocks by the good old rule-
of-thumb method of running upon them, though fortu-
nately, on each occasion, she slipped off into deep water
with her stout timbers none the worse for the shock.
After a disappointing time so far as seals went, Dall-
mann set out to search the coasts of Palmer Land farther
south toward the Biscoe Islands ; and on January 9, 1874,
he sighted Graham Land in 64° 45' S., and this was
apparently the nearest approach he made to the Antarctic
circle. He found that the coast line was quite different
from that shown on existing charts, but his rectifications
have since been themselves extensively altered, so that it
is not necessary to describe them in detail. The most in-
teresting feature he reported was a wide channel running
eastward which he named Bismarck Strait, and the land
northward of his turning point he found to be a compli-
cated archipelago instead of a comparatively simple main-
land. The sea was clear and the weather favourable
enough for farther advance southward; but the number
of seals was diminishing as the ship proceeded, therefore
Dallmann resolved to turn back, and he spent the rest of
the season hunting with some success round the South
Orkneys. At the end of February the lengthening nights
warned him that it was time to leave sub-Antarctic waters,
and he made for home, anchoring once more in the Elbe
on July 25, 1874, after an absence of a year and three days.
Dallmann reported having seen a large number of
364 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
whales though not of the most valuable kind. His com-
mercial results were not encouraging enough to secure
the dispatch of other steamers, but the first visit of the
German flag to the edge of the Antarctic must be looked
upon all the same as a very creditable exploit.
The recent researches of Mr. Balch amongst the records
of Stonington, Connecticut, have revealed the fact that
American sealers continued to visit the South Shetlands,
and, before and after Dallmann, sailed along the coast
of Graham Land and made landings to the south of
Gerlache Strait, but they kept their results to themselves,
or a careless public failed to see the interest and impor-
tance of the sealing cruises.
Projects for the renewal of Antarctic whaling were
frequently mooted, and in 1875 it almost seemed as if
New Zealand and the Australian colonies would combine
their resources and endeavour to establish the industry
from one of the Australasian ports. It would be tedious
to cite the different rumours or to detail the various
schemes which were started during the following ten
years, for the subject was never out of sight. Dr. von
Neumayer continued both in Germany and in England to
urge the dispatch of a scientific expedition, but on the
return of the Challenger in 1876 the scientific director,
Sir Wyville Thomson, deprecated anything of the kind.
In a lecture on the experiences of the Challenger in the
Antarctic he referred to the long series of disasters and
the frightful hardships that had marked the history of
Arctic exploration, and concluded : “ We can only antici-
pate disasters multiplied a hundredfold should the South
Pole ever become a goal of rivalry among the nations.”
The argument is not a sound one, for the risk of disas-
ter has ever been the finest incentive to the true explorer,
STEAM WHALERS 365
and it has been happily falsified by the success and good
fortune which have attended all expeditions to the far
south as compared with those to the far north. The
pessimistic view was not shared by the members of the
Challenger scientific staff, and except Dr. von Neumayer
himself, no one has spoken more strongly and continu-
ously in support of Antarctic exploration than Sir John
Murray, and he has been ably supported by Mr. J. Y.
Buchanan.
About 1880 Lieutenant Bove of the Italian Navy
planned a scientific expedition which was to spend two
winters in the Antartic ice following up Dallmann’s dis-
coveries and making a circumnavigation as far south as
possible by sailing westward, the direction which our
readers are now perhaps tired of hearing has been shown
to be the most promising by the troubles which have
befallen everyone who followed tradition and the east-
ward route.
The project was taken up with enthusiasm in Italy, and
it seemed for a time as if the nation which now holds the
distinction of having carried its flag nearest the North
Pole would have anticipated that achievement by planting
it first nearest to the South Pole. The time was pecu-
liarly appropriate. A great scheme of circumpolar re-
search had been elaborated on von Neumayer’s initia-
tive, in which almost all civilised nations were taking
part, so that for twelve consecutive months in 1882-83
simultaneous meteorological and magnetic observations
would be made at the highest attainable latitudes right
round the North Pole. It was on one of these that Lieu-
tenant Greely of the United States Army and his whole
party nearly perished from that terrible danger of polar
exploration — a relief expedition which failed to relieve.
366 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Similar observations were to be made simultaneously at
all observatories in the south of the southern continents,
supplemented by a body of French men of science at Cape
Horn, and of Germans on South Georgia. Lieutenant
Bove hoped to add another to these stations and to be able
to observe the transit of Venus of 1882 at some point
within the Antarctic circle. Italian enthusiasm went far,
but not far enough to raise sufficient funds, and Lieu-
tenant Bove rather than not go out at all accepted a post
under the Argentine government for the exploration of
Southern Patagonia. On that inhospitable seaboard he
met with shipwreck, but was saved by the British mission
ship Allen Gardiner. The circumstance got reported in
many papers as a disaster to the Italian Antarctic expe-
dition, and it is referred to here merely in order to free
Antarctic exploration from the responsibility of causing
the loss of a vessel which never sailed or was intended to
sail beyond Cape Horn.
The rise and failure of one other attempt to renew
exploration claims attention, for although it did not
succeed, it helped to arouse the sleeping spirit which
animated the latest and greatest attempt to wipe off the
stain of ignorance from the South Polar regions. At the
meeting of the British Association at Aberdeen in 1885
a paper was read on the renewal of Antarctic research by
Admiral Sir Erasmus Ommanney, a veteran officer of the
Franklin search whose active service at sea dated back
to the battle of Navarino. He had followed the work
of Ross with interest, had supported Captain J. E. Davis
in his plea of 1869, and he lived just long enough to see
the triumphant return of the Discovery in 1904. The
result of the paper, which was mainly based on Neu-
mayer’s work, was the appointment of a strong com-
STEAM WHALERS 367
mittee of the British Association, consisting of Sir
Joseph Hooker, Sir George Nares, Mr. John Murray (of
the Challenger), Sir Leopold McClintock, General J. T.
Walker, Mr. Clements R. Markham, Dr. W. B. Carpen-
ter, and Sir Erasmus Ommanney “ for the purpose of
drawing attention to the desirability of further research
in the Antarctic regions.”
Widespread interest was awakened and the colony of
Victoria took an active part in forwarding the scheme.
The Victorian branch of the Royal Geographical So-
ciety of Australasia, and the Royal Society of Victoria
brought pressure to bear on the colonial government and
secured the promise of liberal premiums to any whalers
or sealers who would land cargo in Melbourne procured
south of 60 0 S. The colonists could not afford to send
out an expedition without help from the mother country,
but they were eager to do what they could.
At home Sir John Murray delivered a powerful ad-
dress on the Exploration of the Antarctic Regions, in
which he declared that a naval expedition of two ships
was necessary and that before anything should be done
to organise it there must be a guarantee of £150,000 to
ensure proper equipment and adequate support for a
sufficiently extended cruise. The Council of the Royal
Society of Edinburgh very carefully prepared a complete
scheme for an expedition to carry on researches in every
department of science. The Scottish Geographical So-
ciety supported the proposals, but the British Associa-
tion committee in 1886 deferred their report until other
Societies not so forward in their response had given an
answer, the committee being strengthened meanwhile by
the addition of the great names of Sir William Thomson
(Lord Kelvin), Professor Huxley, Sir John Lubbock
368 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
(Lord Avebury), and Professor Flower. The committee
suffered the fate of most committees. It had grown too
large; its members, though not without interest in the
renewal of Antarctic research, were all individually more
interested in other things, and its reports do not indicate
any great or effective activity. The Government of Vic-
toria took the first definite action by memorialising the
Colonial Secretary and offering to provide £5,000 for a
preliminary expedition combining trade and science,
if the Imperial Government would provide a like amount.
From the wording of the proposal it would appear as if
the other Australasian colonies also intended to partici-
pate, but whether by subscribing towards the £5,000 or
by making supplementary grants did not appear so
plainly. The Colonial Office forwarded the proposal to
the Treasury with a recommendation that the money
should be granted. The Royal Society and the Royal
Geographical Society wrote supporting it. It was gen-
erally believed that Sir Allen Young, a hero of the Frank-
lin search, would take command of the expedition and
subscribe largely to its funds. The importance of any
national expedition being on a large scale, under naval
discipline and with a purely scientific aim, so strongly
insisted upon by Sir John Murray, seems to have been
lost sight of, or at least it was not brought forward.
The Treasury, perhaps looking beyond the letter of the
memorials addressed to it, and divining it may be a lack
of conviction in the petitioners, refused to have anything
to do with the proposals. The British Association com-
mittee lingered on for a couple of years, but having
achieved nothing, no doubt because it had not aimed high
enough, it was at length disbanded, ostensibly because
energetic steps were being taken in Australia. The Mel-
STEAM WHALERS 369
bourne societies were loath to give up an idea that had
become popular in the colony, and having been snubbed
by the mother-country they tried to enlist sympathy in
scientific circles abroad. Negotiations for a joint Swed-
ish and Australian Antarctic expedition were entered
into, and rumours circulated that the great geographer
Baron Nordenskiold, the victor of the North-East Pas-
sage, would himself lead the expedition, while Baron
Oscar Dickson, who had munificently supported the voy-
age of the Vega around Asia, was understood to be ready
to make the project financially possible. The name of
Fridtjof Nansen, then famous for his crossing of Green-
land, was also mentioned as a possible leader. But
nothing came of the efforts, and rumours of a German-
American expedition directed by Neumayer and financed
by a German- American millionaire were justified no
better by events.
The renewal of Antarctic research came neither from
the zeal of men of science, the fostering care of Govern-
ments, nor the wealth of millionaires. It was due to
plain business men, seafarers willing to undertake a
speculative voyage like the merchant adventurers of
old.
Seventy years ago fleets of whalers still sailed from
many ports along the east coast of England and Scotland
to the Greenland Seas, and much of the Arctic work of
the Royal Navy in the earlier decades of the nineteenth
century was called forth by the necessity for watching
over a considerable source of national wealth and suc-
couring distressed crews. Twenty years ago the Green-
land whale (the bowhead or right whale — Balcena mys-
tic etis) had grown so scarce that the fleets had dwindled
to a few steam-vessels sailing only from Peterhead and
24
370 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Dundee, and the last of the famous whaling skippers of
Peterhead was David Gray. Captain Gray had seen the
Greenland whale fishery decline from its zenith until it
had almost disappeared from sight, so that the capture of
one whale had come to mean a successful voyage. The
value of the “ bone ” had run up to an almost fabulous
figure, and it is now measured by thousands of pounds
sterling per ton.
Captain Gray felt that as even one whale might cover
the expenses of a voyage, the reports of abundant black
whales in the Antarctic seas were worth enquiring into,
and if verified the new field might save the Scottish
whaling industry from extinction. He extracted and
classified all the many references to “ right whales ” in
Ross’s book, and going back to the time of Cook, ob-
tained notes from the logs of various Kerguelen whalers
of the temperate seas. He also secured fresh reports
from the survivors of the expedition in the Erebus and
Terror, including the private log of Alexander Craig of
Peterhead who had served on board the latter ship and
knew a whale when he saw it. Captain Gray issued a
prospectus in 1891 inviting shareholders in the enterprise
and setting forth the facts on which he based his con-
clusions in a very frank and seamanlike way. The region
selected for the experiment was the portion of the Ant-
arctic between the meridian of Greenwich and 90° W.,
in other words the neighbourhood of Weddell Sea.
While the expedition was to be commercial. Captain Gray
with his well-known interest in matters scientific had
provided for the accommodation of a naturalist on board
each ship, for two vessels were considered absolutely
necessary. Unfortunately the response of the public was
half-hearted, sufficient shares being taken to provide
STEAM WHALERS
37i
only a single ship ; and the promoters declined to run the
risk of sending out a solitary vessel to such unfrequented
seas. The money was accordingly returned, an admirably
thought out scheme abandoned, and the services of a
singularly competent polar navigator were lost.
So far this chapter may have proved dull reading; it
has certainly been an unpleasant chapter to write. A
record of fair promise nipped, not in the bud, but just
before fruition, not once, but again and again, and the
labours of colonial enthusiasts, the foremost men of
science, naval officers, and whaling skippers equally
wasted. Fortunately things took a turn for the better.
The continual coming of appeals for renewing Antarctic
research had wearied the public into a sort of semi-con-
sciousness that the exploration of the southern ice was
in the air, and little surprise was occasioned when it
became known in 1892 that a whaling firm in Dundee had
resolved to send ships to the Antarctic in the hope of
finding a profitable hunting ground there.
On returning from the Arctic regions in the late sum-
mer of 1892 four vessels of the Dundee fleet were rapidly
equipped for the long voyage to the south. The well-
known Arctic explorer, Mr. Leigh Smith, whose famous
wintering in Franz Josef Land was only an incident in
his polar experiences, took a keen interest in the voyage
and secured the appointment to two of the larger ships
of surgeons who were specially interested in scientific
investigations. The Royal Geographical Society and the
Meteorological Office were also induced to equip the
ships with instruments for navigation of a much finer
description than those usually carried by whalers, and
with a complete meteorological outfit.
The ships were typical whalers of small size, immensely
372 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
strong in construction, being built of successive skins of
heavy planking, and sheathed over all with the hard
slippery greenheart, the hulls unpierced by any ports or
windows. They had stood the test of many years’ serv-
ice in the Arctic seas and their captains were as tough
and seasoned as the ships themselves. All the vessels
were good sailers, their steam power being merely auxil-
iary, used for crossing the belt of calms and for manoeu-
vring in the ice, sails alone being trusted to for making a
passage in ordinary circumstances and for the actual
pursuit of whales. The Balaena (400 tons) was built at
Drammen in 1872 ; she was 141 feet long, of 31 feet beam,
and under the command of Captain Alexander Fair-
weather. The Diana (34° tons), also built at Drammen,
was 135 feet long, 29 feet beam, and sailed under the
command of Captain Robert Davidson. The Active (340
tons) was built at Peterhead in 1852; she was 117 feet
long, and her master was Captain Thomas Robertson.
Die Polar Star (216 tons) was also built at Peterhead,
and was only 105 feet long; she was under the command
of Captain James Davidson. Mr. William S. Bruce, an
Edinburgh naturalist, received the appointment of sur-
geon on the Balaena, and as he had on several occasions
taken part in the routine work of Ben Nevis Observatory,
he was a thoroughly trained meteorological observer as
well. The known enthusiasm and indefatigable perse-
verance of Mr. Bruce were a guarantee that every oppor-
tunity presented to him would be taken advantage of to
the full. . He was accompanied as a passenger on board the
Balaena by- Mr. W. Burn. Murdoch, an artist whose ambi-
tion was to paint the Antarctic ice scenery, and who
became also the chronicler of the cruise. The surgeon
of the Active was Dr. C. W. Donald, who, although
STEAM WHALERS
373
following medicine as a profession, was interested in nat-
ural science, and had a Shetlander's love of the sea.
The Balsena sailed from Dundee on September 6th,
1892, amidst a scene of great excitement, the docks being
crowded with friends of the sailors, and members of the
public interested in the new enterprise. So long and
uncertain a voyage as that contemplated is rare nowadays,
and although many of the whalemen had never spent a
summer at home since they were boys, they had hardly
ever spent a winter away from their families. A few
scientific friends accompanied Mr. Bruce down the Firth
of Tay and were landed at Broughty Ferry in company
with half a dozen wretched stowaways. Those unhappy
“ out-of-works ” were unearthed from various hiding-
places, and begged hard to be allowed to proceed on the
voyage on any terms before they obeyed the peremptory
orders to get into the boat. They had evidently no idea of
the nature of the new whaling grounds, their one thought
being that here was a chance of food at least for a year
to come. The Diana sailed with the same tide, the Active
and Polar Star followed a few days later, and all of them
had a wild burst of bad weather at the outset. Five
stowaways were landed from the Diana at Stornoway,
no less than fifteen from the Polar Star, at Blyth, and
two more were found on board long afterwards.
The ships saw nothing of each other on the whole
long outward voyage, but the Balasna and Active reached
the Falklands on the same day, December 8th, and sailed
for the fishing grounds on the nth, just before the Diana
arrived. On the way out the Active had sailed for a day
in company with an American whaler off the coast of
Brazil. She had been twenty-seven months at sea hunt-
ing the sperm whale in tropical waters. Visits were
374 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
exchanged, and amongst much interesting information
as to sperm-whaling the American skipper gave the news
that a Norwegian whaler, the Jason, under the command
of Captain C. A. Larsen, was also on the way to the
Antarctic.
The ships searched diligently for the bowhead whale
in the northwestern part of Weddell Sea, but found none.
Other whales, especially tinners, hunchbacks, bottle-noses
and grampuses, were common enough ; but none of these
yield any quantity of the valuable bone, and they were
not worth securing. The ships do not seem to have gone
beyond 65° S., so that they did not enter the Antarctic
regions properly so-called. The Balaena was never within
six miles of any land except at the Danger Islands off
Joinville Land, and what scientific work could be done
had to be done afloat. There was little opportunity al-
lowed for scientific work, however, for the expedition
was purely commercial; the skippers had no mind to
waste time that could be turned to money, and as whales
could not be found, the crews were set to work to fill the
ships with the skins and blubber of seals, which were
killed by thousands on the ice. A glimpse of the life on
board may be given in the words of a member of the
expedition :
“ It was with the produce of seals that we were des-
tined to fill our ship, and till February 17th we were
literally up to the neck in blood. All the sails are stowed ;
the captain sits in the crow's nest from early morning
till late in the evening; the two engineers, relieving one
another, take charge of the engines; the cook or the
steward is on the lookout on deck or on the bridge ; and
the doctor takes +he helm ; unless he can manage to get
away in the boats, in which case some other non-com-
STEAM WHALERS
375
batant has to take his place; all the rest are away after
plunder. Now a full boat is making its way to the ship.
We steam towards her. As we near, the engines are
stopped and she glides alongside. The cook or the
steward rushes from the look-out, the doctor from the
wheel, one working the steam-winch and the other un-
switching the skins, while the boat's crew swallow a
hasty meal. The boat being unloaded, they are off again
for another fill. Another boat is seen approaching, and
away we go again, dodging this piece of ice, charging
that piece with our sturdy bows, boring a way where the
ice lies closely packed, rounding this berg, and on to the
next until we reach the boat, which is down to the gun-
wale in the water, with its crew cautiously plying their
oars as they lie crouched upon their bloody load. So it
goes on from day to day.”
In such conditions exploration was out of the ques-
tion; if the ships could be filled in 63° S. the captains
would never dream of going to 64°. The Active how-
ever was more fortunate than the Balsena. Captain
Robertson had more than once done a bit of exploration
in the little known fjords of East Greenland, and he
turned the eye of an explorer on the coast of Joinville
Land. The southern part he found to be separated
from the northern and he named it Dundee Island ; it lies
on the north side of Erebus and Terror Gulf. The
channel between the two islands was navigated by the
Active, which left her name on a reef where she grounded
and whence she happily escaped uninjured. A landing
was made on a beach on the south side of Joinville Land
where the snow had melted away, and it was seen that
the ice-cap of the island and that of Louis Philippe Land
would be easily accessible from the shore. Dr. Donald
376 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
paid a visit to the Jason when all five ships were lying
close together, on January 24th, 1893, and found Captain
C. A. Larsen, who had been sent out by the Oceana Com-
pany of Hamburg, full of interest in the geographical
problems of the locality.
From the same ship some years before Larsen had
landed Fridtjof Nansen on the east coast of Greenland
to make the first of his successful journeys on the bold
principle of leaving no way open for retreat The stimu-
lus of meeting a scientific enthusiast like Nansen may well
have left its influence, and Larsen had landed on the
South Orkneys on his way to Weddell Sea, and again on
Seymour Island at the south end of Erebus and Terror
Gulf, where he had picked up a number of fossils. This
was a discovery of great interest to geologists, for they
were the first indisputable evidence of the existence of
sedimentary rocks on Antarctic land. Captain Larsen
believed he had seen land to the westward when in lati-
tude 64° 40' S. and longitude 56° 30' W. and this, which
was also noted from the Balsena as at least an “ appear-
ance of land ” was undoubtedly the east coast of the
land known on the west as Graham Land.
The Dundee ships were filled up with sealskins and oil
before the end of February, the Balaena having secured
about 6000 seals, the Active and Diana about 4000 each,
and the Polar Star about 2000. The fleet left the Falk-
lands early in March, and by the middle of June, 1893,
they were safely docked in Dundee. Without having
been an absolute failure the experiment was not so suc-
cessful as to lead to its repetition, nor was the experience
of the scientific observers altogether a happy one. They
certainly made the best of their opportunities, but the
opportunities were fewer and farther between than had
STEAM WHALERS
377
been expected, and the sealers were, naturally enough,
not particularly sympathetic with proceedings they did
not understand. It became quite clear that unless under
a very exceptional captain a commercial voyage can yield
comparatively little of scientific value.
The Germans seem to have been better pleased with the
results of their seal-hunting, for the following year found
Captain Larsen back again with the Jason in Weddell
Sea for the Oceana Company, while the Hertha, Captain
Evensen, and the Castor, Captain Pedersen, tried their
fortune on the other side of the land in the sea previously
traversed only by Bellingshausen and Biscoe. These
voyages really advanced exploration, and Larsen in
particular made some interesting discoveries. After
sealing for some time among the floes east of Seymour
Island, he steered southeastward, and on December 1st,
1893, was close to high land covered with snow, in lati-
tude 66° S., longitude 6o° W. In accordance with cus-
tom he named it after his sovereign, Oscar II. Land ; the
prominent cape was called Cape Framnes, and a lofty
mountain, Mount Jason. This was to all appearance the
eastern coast of Graham Land, and no doubt the New
South Greenland of the early Yankee sealers. Part of
the slopes of Mount Jason were free from snow, and the
land looked tempting to explore, with great glaciers
running down from vast snowfields to the sea. Larsen
sighed for his ski and a clear conscience to land and travel
over the snowy expanse, but duty kept him to his ship
and the search for whales and seals. He continued to
coast southward along the broad strip of ice fast to the
land, the sea ice proving most favourable to his advance,
and on December 3rd the Jason had the honour of being
the second steamer to cross the Antarctic circle. The
378 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
ship kept on a course nearly due south, along the edge
of the flat shelf or barrier of ice that extended outwards
from the coast, until on the 6th, farther advance was
barred by heavy ice in 68° io' S. The land appears to
have been continuous all the way, and to a very moun-
tainous portion of it rising into four conspicuous peaks
Larsen gave the name of Foyn’s Land, after the great
Norwegian whaler, who, had he lived, might have proved
a second Enderby in promoting Antarctic work.
On the return voyage an island was discovered lying
some distance off the coast, in about 66° S., and named
Robertson Island, from which a chain of smaller islands,
named collectively the Seal Islands, ran to the northwest.
Immediately to the north, two active volcanoes came
in sight in latitude 65° S., the larger on an island
called Christensen Volcano, and the smaller connected
to it by sea-ice. Captain Larsen landed on the ice close
to Christensen Island and travelled over the soft snow
on ski for some distance. The surface of the ice was
strewn in places with blocks of volcanic rock evidently
recently ejected by the volcano. On the snowy margin
of the island there were swarms of young seals, very fat,
and friendly to the strangers, and luckily for themselves,
separated from the sea by so wide a stretch of soft snow
that they were left in peace. The interior was seen to
be nearly free from snow, but it was impossible in the
time to get more than four miles from the edge of the
sea-ice surrounding the island, and the uncovered land
was not reached. Many other small islands were seen
and charted, and after filling his ship with seals, visiting
the coast of Tierra del Fuego in the unsuccessful search
for whales, and discharging his cargo at Port Stanley,
Larsen found time to make another trip to Erebus and
STEAM WHALERS
379
Terror Gulf before the season closed. This fine season's
work had not been surpassed in geographical interest by
any sealing vessel since the voyage of Balleny.
The Jason was a ship with a destiny before her as well
as a history behind. Re-named the Stella Polare, it was
to be her fate to carry the Duke of the Abruzzi's Arctic
expedition to Franz Josef Land, whence Captain Cagni
attained the nearest approach yet made to the North
Pole. But while the Jason was still in Antarctic waters
the Hertha and Castor were proving worthy consorts.
They were working amongst the islands of the South
Shetlands, and southward west of Palmer Land. Captain
Evensen reached an even higher latitude than Larsen had
done on the other side. He made his way southward to
the west of Palmer Land, passed between the Biscoe
Islands and Graham Land, and on November 9th he
crossed the Antarctic circle, much surprised at finding
so little ice at the very beginning of the open season.
Next day Adelaide Island was sighted and drift ice
encountered. After a detour to the northward along the
Biscoe Islands the Hertha again worked to the southwest,
and on November 21st reached the remarkable latitude of
69° 10' S. in 76° 12' W. without hindrance from ice. Next
day she sighted Alexander I. Land, having come very
much nearer to it than either Bellingshausen or Biscoe ;
but unfortunately beyond the positions we have quoted
Evensen’s voyage has added little to our knowledge. On
December 14th he met the other Norwegian ships off
Joinville Island, and remained in company until they
finally left Antarctic waters in March, 1894. The three
ships returned to Norway in July of that year.
Svend Foyn of Tonsberg was the acknowledged chief
of the whalers of Norway, a man of the most remarkable
380 siege of the south pole
perseverance, courage and originality, whose genius had
grappled with the problem of killing the hitherto invul-
nerable blue whale or tinner, and the creator by that
achievement of a great fortune for himself and a new
industry for Norway. When his countryman, Mr. H. J.
Bull, who had been captivated by the fascination of the
Antarctic, had tried and failed to induce Australian capi-
talists to invest money in an attempt to renew Antarctic
whaling, he left Melbourne, returned to Europe, and
applied at once to Commander Foyn. The veteran was
eighty-four years old, and his life had been spent in per-
fecting the whale fishing off his native coasts and in the
Arctic seas, but he was willing to help a new enterprise in
the other hemisphere ; and, entering keenly into the plans,
he placed a vessel at the disposal of Mr. Bull.
For this purpose he purchased the whaler Cap Nor,
built at Drammen in 1871, a vessel similar in build to the
Balaena and Active. For her new work she was re-
christened Antarctic, and sailed under the command of
Captain Leonard Kristensen, with Mr. Bull on board, in
September, 1893. On her way out she spent some time
sealing at Kerguelen, and reached Melbourne at the end
of January, 1894. Mr. W. S. Bruce, fresh from his ex-
perience on the Balaena, applied to Commander Foyn for
permission to accompany the Antarctic, and the Director
of the firm publicly expressed his regret that the quick
despatch of the ship made it impossible for Mr. Bruce
to reach Melbourne in time to join the vessel.
Amongst others bitten by the fever of adventure was
a young colonist of Norwegian birth, though partly Eng-
lish in ancestry, Carstens Egeberg Borchgrevink, who
had had some experience of land-surveying and proved
himself of the most irrepressible persistency in gratifying
STEAM WHALERS
381
his ambition. He tried hard to be taken on board the
Antarctic as a passenger, but the captain would have no
passengers in his ship; he offered to go in any capacity,
and got his way at last by “ signing on ” as an ordinary
seaman. The voyage of the Antarctic has been described
by the promoter, Mr. Bull, the master, Captain Kristen-
sen, and also by Mr. Borchgrevink, the various versions
agreeing as regards the events of the voyage, with which
alone we have to do.
The Antarctic left Melbourne in September, and spent
a few months sealing round Macquarie Island, and along
the edge of the Antarctic pack which was met in latitude
58° S. After a visit to New Zealand to repair damage
received in heavy weather, she sailed again on November
28th, 1894, and in little more than a week, entered the
pack ice in 63° S., 1710 30' E. The Balleny Islands were
sighted on the 14th, and the Antarctic circle touched on
the same day and crossed a week later. The midnight
sun was visible on Christmas Eve, but the ship continued
a prisoner in the pack, and it was not until January 14th,
1895, that she worked her way into open water in lati-
tude 66° 55' S. Two days later Cape Adare at the
northern end of Victoria Land was sighted for the first
time since Ross’s voyage, and two more days brought the
Antarctic up to Possession Island, where a landing was
made, the party finding the place aswarm with penguins
exactly as Ross had found it fifty-five years before.
Here Borchgrevink made a botanical discovery of con-
siderable interest, a lichen growing on the rocks, the
first evidence of plant life obtained within the Antarctic
circle. Possibly enough this discovery would have been
made on the former visit had it been the turn of Hooker
.instead of that of McCormick to land with Ross, the
382 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
senior medical officer of the Erebus having more interest
in birds than in plants. Coulman Island was sighted on
January 22nd, and then in latitude 740 S. Kristensen
decided to turn back as no whales were to be seen. Next
day the ship was back at Cape Adare, and here the first
landing upon the Antarctic continent was made on a low
beach at the base of the cliff. The penguins were even
more numerous than at Possession Island, and the same
lichen was found growing on the rocks. Returning north-
ward the Antarctic made her way through the pack in
six days, and entering the open sea on February 1st, she
pursued her voyage in temperate waters and reached
Melbourne on March 14th.
The voyage was not a commercial success and has not
been repeated. The “ right ” whale was not found ; the
ship was too large, and the gear was perhaps too light
for taking the finner; but the voyage was an interesting
demonstration of the facility of visiting Victoria Land,
and supplied a strong argument that the open sea found
by Ross south of the pack was not a temporary incident,
but the normal feature of an ordinary year.
The last effort of the whalers and sealers had done
much to spread interest in Antarctic navigation, and it
had done more in training men who were destined to
take leading parts in the great scientific expeditions
which were to follow.
CHAPTER XIX
THE FIRST ANTARCTIC NIGHT
“ When the shadow of night’s eternal wings
Envelopes the gloomy whole
And the mutter of deep-mouth’d thunderings
Shakes all the starless pole.”
— Tennyson.
EXPLORERS of the South Polar seas so far had
flitted to and fro like summer migrants, coming after
the late spring and retiring northward when the first
breath of autumn crisped the surface of the sea. They
had found the summer cold and changeable, liable at any
time to showers of snow and chilling fogs, the mercury
of the thermometer hovering in its boldest ascents close
to the freezing point, and too frequently retreating to the
neighbourhood of Fahrenheit’s zero ; but yet it was sum-
mer, the best quarter of the Antarctic year. Every ex-
plorer has spoken of the marvellous beauty of a fine Ant-
arctic day, the unbroken genial sunshine, twice round the
clock, the black rocks throwing off their white covering,
and growing hot under the persistent radiation, the soft
snow on the levels dissolving into water which gathered
into streams and almost rivers, every block of ice on
land or sea musically adrip, and sea and land alike loud
with the hoarse voice of birds, no sweet songsters among
them, but every throat clamorous with life.
For hundreds, if not for thousands of years the Arctic
night has been familiar. The Greek philosophers knew
of the land of winter darkness, the northern Scandina-
383
384 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
vians grew up with December, the month without a sun-
rise, as the dark background of their life; and whalers
liable to be caught in the ice as they lingered to the
end of their short working season, grew expert in de-
vices for counteracting the effects of intense cold and
month-long darkness and inaction. But the winter of
the south remained absolutely unknown, the only clue
to its severity being the solitary minimum reading of — 50
on Deception Island when the registering thermometer
left by H. M. S. Chanticleer was recovered by Captain
Smiley. The importance of observing winter conditions
in the Antarctic had become a plank in the platform of
the few indefatigable enthusiasts who were still hopeful
of securing the dispatch of a properly equipped expedi-
tion capable of utilising to the full opportunities which
whalers, who had to pay their way, could only recognise
and pass unused.
The meeting of the Sixth International Geographical
Congress in London in 1895 under the presidency of Sir
Clements Markham was made the occasion of an interest-
ing discussion following a long historical paper by Dr.
von Neumayer and an account by Mr. Borchgrevink of
Captain Kristensen’s successful landing on the Antarctic
continent. Sir Joseph Hooker, the last survivor of
Ross’s great voyage, Sir John Murray, representing the
Challenger expedition, and Sir Erasmus Ommanney,
whose efforts at one time seemed likely to launch a new
ship for the south, took part in the discussion. The Con-
gress adopted a resolution, which may be looked upon as
the formal beginning of the strenuous efforts to explore
the Antarctic at the close of the nineteenth and the open-
ing of the twentieth centuries. It ran:
“ That the Congress record its opinion that the explora-
Lieutenant A. de Gerlache.
[ To face /. 3S4.
FIRST ANTARCTIC NIGHT 385
tion of the Antarctic Regions is the greatest piece of geo-
graphical exploration still to be undertaken. That in
view of the additions to knowledge in almost every
branch of science which would result from such a
scientific exploration the Congress recommends that the
scientific societies throughout the world should urge in
whatever way seems to them most effective, that this
work should be undertaken before the close of the
century/’
The direct result was not immediately visible and
before the great system of national expeditions for ex-
ploration and research at which it aimed took effect,
there were two independent attempts to penetrate the
southern ice, each of which added considerably though
in different degrees to our knowledge of the region. One
sailed under the Belgian, the other under the British flag,
but both were in Norwegian-built ships, manned largely
by Scandinavian sailors.
Adrien de Gerlache, a lieutenant in the Belgian navy,
had been a prey to the fever of Antarctic exploration
from his youth. He had been one of the many volunteers
called forth by the announcement in 1888 of a possible
Australian-Swedish expedition under Baron Norden-
skiold. Some years later, in 1894, he propounded a
plan for an expedition which he would himself lead, and
succeeded in interesting M. Solvay, a wealthy Belgian
man of science, to such a degree that he subscribed
£1000 to the funds, and sent the would-be explorer for
some preliminary training in the Arctic ice. In the fol-
lowing year the Brussels Geographical Society opened a
subscription list and a grant from the Government of
£4,000 made it possible to commence preparations, and in
1896 a ship was bought. She was a stout Norwegian
25
386 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
sealer of about 250 tons, known as the Patria, and ap-
propriately enough re-named the Belgica.
The nucleus of a scientific staff was brought together,
and these assisted heroically in the necessary but often
nearly hopeless task of endeavouring to raise funds ; the
departure of the ship was delayed for a year in conse-
quence of the difficulty of getting money. Gerlache was
fortunate in securing the cooperation at an early date
of Henryk Argtowski, a Russian Pole, whose ardour in
the pursuit of the sciences of chemistry, geology and
meteorology made him eager to seize the opportunity of
entering an absolutely virgin field. A Rumanian naturalist,
Emile Racovitza, of equal enthusiasm in his own depart-
ment, was also enlisted, and others were gradually added,
for the intention was to make the Belgica a purely scien-
tific expedition. In the summer of 1897 a desperate effort
to raise additional funds by holding a sort of exhibition
and fancy fair was at last successful, thanks mainly to
the cooperation of Mme. Osterrieth who acquired thereby
the friendly title of Mother Antarctica. After all only
£12,000 had been obtained from start to finish, and on
that grotesquely inadequate sum the whole of the equip-
ment and work of the Belgica was carried out.
On August 16th, 1897, the ship left Antwerp, and on
the 24th finally departed from Ostend. M. de Gerlache
was in command of the expedition, with Lieutenant Le-
cointe, also a Belgian, as second in command and Roald
Amundsen, a Norwegian, as mate. The scientific staff
consisted of Lieutenant Emile Danco, a Belgian, as mag-
netic observer, Emile Racovitza, the Rumanian naturalist,
Henryk Arqtowski and his assistant, Antoine Dobrowol-
ski, both Poles ; but the surgeon had given up his post at
the last moment and the ship sailed without one. The
FIRST ANTARCTIC NIGHT 387
two engineers were Belgians, and of the nine sailors four
were Belgian and five Norwegian.
Dr. Frederick A. Cook, an American surgeon who had
accompanied Peary in one of his Greenland journeys
and had for years set his heart on seeing the Antarctic
regions also, cabled to Gerlache, knowing nothing of the
difficulty as to a medical man, but asking if he could by
any means be taken with the expedition. He had himself
tried and failed to get up an American expedition, and
now gladly responded to Gerlache’s cabled permission to
join at Rio de Janeiro.
The Belgica, with her cosmopolitan company, pro-
ceeded very slowly on her way, lingering unaccountably
in the channels of Tierra del Fuego, where any ship
could go at any season, and not leaving Staten Island until
January 13th, 1898. It will be remembered that Larsen
and Evensen had attained their highest southern latitudes
in clear seas two months earlier in the season four years
previously. Even at that late date much work was done
which certainly should not be neglected, but might quite
suitably have been left until the return journey. This
consisted in running a line of soundings from Cape Horn
to the South Shetlands, a tract of sea that had never been
sounded before.
On January 20th the South Shetlands were sighted,
and the ship ran on a rock, giving rise to some alarm but
no damage. The weather grew bad, and as the Belgica
proceeded southward she had the misfortune to lose one
of the Norwegian sailors, who fell overboard and could
not be saved despite desperate efforts on the part of those
on board.
Proceeding into Hughes Gulf, Gerlache discovered a
wide channel running southwestward and separating
388 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
what appeared to be the mainland from an archipelago of
large islands forming the remainder of Palmer Land.
Three weeks were spent in this strait, to which the name
of the ship was first given, but afterwards that of the
commander. No less than twenty landings were made
and magnificent collections of geological and natural
history specimens secured. For the first time the sub-
Antarctic land was invaded by men of science who could
take full advantage of their opportunities. Too much
perhaps was attempted, but a great deal was done, and
a double line of Belgian names scattered down the map
from 64° to 65° S. fixed the features of the coast, which
was charted with enough care to give us more confidence
in the positions of the various islands, headlands and
channels, than was possible before in any part of that
region.
The scenery was typical of Antarctic land, black rocks
projecting from sweeping snow-fields which ran down
into a ledge of glacier ice along the shore, with here and
there a beach of pebbles where a landing could be made.
During the excursions on the snowfields in bright
weather the heat of the sun was so intense as to become
almost unbearable, a fact which makes the volume of the
snow the more remarkable. Near the sea, where the
rocks were bare and trickling with water, lichens and
mosses were found in some abundance, and even a few
insects of a very humble type. Never before had a
single degree of latitude in the immediate neighbourhood
of the Antarctic circle received so minute an investiga-
tion, but the scientific men were insatiable and remained
unsatisfied. Argtowski describes one of the landings in
these words :
“The commandant showed himself very obliging; but
Typical Landscape of fhe Palmer Archipklago,
(Photograph by the Belgian Antarctic Expedition.)
! To face />. ^33.
FIRST ANTARCTIC NIGHT 389
with a little good-will we could have landed in many
other places and collected much more geological material
than we did. For this eighteenth landing he conducted
me himself but for ten minutes only. A few strokes of
the oars brought us to the beach amid cries of ‘ Hurry
up, Arqtowski ! * I gave a hammer to Tellefsen with
orders to chip here and there down by the shore, while
I hurriedly climbed the moraine, picking up specimens as
I ran, took the direction with my compass, glanced to the
left and right, and hurried down again full speed to get
a look at the rock in situ; meanwhile Cook had taken a
photograph of the place from the ship — and that is the
way geological surveys have to be carried out in the
Antarctic/'
On February 12th, 1898, the Belgica left the strait and
passed southward along the coast of Graham Land at a
date when all previous expeditions in these waters had
been making haste for home. Icebergs became more
numerous and the sea along the coast was beset with
rocks which made navigation slow and difficult. On
February 15th the Belgica crossed the Antarctic circle
steaming southwest. Next day Alexander I. Land came
in sight, but could not be approached as the ice-pack
extended for twenty miles from the shore. It lay to the
south and seemed an aggregate of mountains above which
some lofty peaks rose boldly. The glaciers descending
from these mountains coalesced along the shore in a
broad terrace or ice-foot which merged into the pack.
A large island or mountain was seen to the east, ap-
parently forming the southern extremity of Graham
Land, which seemed to be separated from Alexander
Land by a strait or at least a gulf. Too much stress must
not be laid on the features of land seen at so great a
390 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
distance, and indeed different members of the Belgica’s
company gave different descriptions of what they saw,
which after all was little more than had been seen by
Bellingshausen when he first lit upon that lonely sentinel
of the south.
The course was continued southwestward until on
February 28th the ship was in 70 0 20' S., and 85° W. A
gale was blowing against the ice from seaward and great
gaps were torn in the edge of the pack, affording tempt-
ing openings toward the south. Despite the serious late-
ness of the season, and disregarding the views of the
scientific staff who were anxious to place the results of
their work in safety before risking the ship in unknown
perils, Gerlache thrust the Belgica into one of the open-
ings, and pushing his way southward with increasing
difficulty he reached 71 0 30' S. on March 3rd. An at-
tempt was then made to return, but it was too late. After
advancing a few miles to the northward the ship was
gripped fast in the pack, and for a year and a month she
lost all power of independent movement.
The ship was not too well prepared for wintering in
the farthest south, but everything possible was done to
minimise the inevitable hardships. Although the scien-
tific staff had not been anxious to enter the ice, each
member seized the opportunity which was thrust upon him,
resolved to take the fullest possible advantage of the unique
experience. The ice gradually thickened, but holes could
easily be cut in it, and through these holes the minute crea-
tures living in the sea-water, the plankton, were caught by
fine tow-nets ; the depth was ascertained and observations
of temperature were made at all depths in the water.
It was soon apparent that although the Belgica could not
move away from the floe that held her, the ice itself was
FIRST ANTARCTIC NIGHT 391
never at rest, but drifted within certain limits in all direc-
tions, the several floes being joined by leads covered with
thin ice which bent and cracked in bad weather giving the
pack as a whole a sort of flexibility and power of move-
ment. The position was fixed by observations of the
stars whenever it was possible to do so, and the drift
could thus be traced from point to point. The course of
the ship showed no general onward movement like that
of the Fram across the Arctic Sea; it resembled nothing
so much as a hank of tangled wire. Several times the
ice shifted northward until the latitude was a little less
than 70°, and the depth increased to nearly 1,000
fathoms, and several times it drove south until the latitude
exceeded 71 0 31', and the water was only 210 fathoms
deep. On the east the limit of the drift was 8o° 30' W.
and before the ship got free again she was in 102° W.
The nights grew longer and on May 15th the sun set
almost at noon, not to appear again for seventy days,
though three days later a party from the ship, climbing a
high iceberg, caught a glimpse of half the dull yellow
disc peeping above the northern horizon. During the
whole dark duration of these ten weeks the Belgica wan-
dered aimlessly about, clasped in the ever writhing and
rending but unrelenting ice. Fierce storms blew over
her and the ice cracked with horrid noises and rose in
pressure ridges, but though land no doubt lay to the
south there was no shore near enough to offer resistance
sufficient to bank the ridges to a dangerous height, and
the storms passed, leaving the hull unhurt.
The brilliance of the moonlight or the weird glow of
the aurora australis occasionally lit up the rough surface
of the pack and the sheets of level snow with lights and
shadows more cheerless than the darkness itself. De-
392 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
spite all efforts to work and keep cheerful the darkness
entered into the soul of the ship’s company, oppressing
them more than the cold and more than the inadequate
and uninviting food. The food was abundant enough,
but much of it was in the form of specially prepared
extracts and fibreless meats and fish, the condensed nour-
ishment of which ceased to nourish, and for some un-
explained reason the natural dislike to penguin flesh was
very slowly overcome. Dr. Cook attributed the low state
of health on board — a sort of polar anaemia — to the un-
satisfactory diet as much as to the darkness. All suf-
fered from impaired circulation and deranged digestion,
the heart seemed to lose its regulating power, and gave
rise to alarming symptoms, while the complexion became
deathly pale, almost greenish. The groaning and crash-
ing of the ice in the blackness of the endless night was
a horror to listen to and the sound could not be evaded,
nor the darkness dispelled, nor the cold resisted outside
or the damp within. Dr. Cook repeatedly refers to it all
as “ hellish.”
Lieutenant Danco, whose heart had not been sound
when he started, was unable to resist the accumulation of
miseries which reduced the strongest to a state of lethargy
and depression. He died on June 5th, before mid-win-
ter, and was buried at sea through a hole cut in the ice,
the commandant making “ a few fitting remarks,” for the
sound of no religious service ever rose through the dark-
ness of the first Antarctic night. Lecointe fell seriously
ill and everyone was affected more or less in mind or
body or both. “ We live in a mad-house,” said one of
the cabin party. Dr. Cook devised a treatment for polar
anaemia which seemed effective. It consisted in trying
to do the work of the absent sun by exposing the pa-
FIRST ANTARCTIC NIGHT 393
tient’s skin to the glow of the hottest fire that could be
obtained.
The winter passed. It was not without discovery, for
as the ice was driven about, south, east, west and north,
with apparently no serious check, it proved that the open
sea extended far in all directions, and as Bellingshausen’s
Peter I. Island lay to the north of the drifting ship it was
clear that the first- found of all Antarctic land was a lonely
islet and not the immediate outpost of a continent.
The light returned before the middle of July, when for
an hour or two about noon the dawn day by day made it
easy to read for a longer and longer time. Each day
the colours of the sky at noon grew brighter on the
northern horizon, and on July 22nd the sun appeared. The
return of day brought life with it, the health of the ship’s
company improved, and the scientific observations which
had dragged heavily were resumed with a fresh zest.
But the impulse was temporary. The sun brought tem-
pestuous weather and the cold increased, the lowest tem-
perature of the whole period being reached on September
8th, when the thermometer registered 45 degrees below
zero Fahrenheit and the mercury froze.
Summer came on with its perpetual sun, Christmas
Day passed, New Year’s Day 1899, passed, but the ice
remained unchanged. The particular floe in the centre
of which the Belgica was frozen was about four miles
in diameter, and unless it broke up speedily the awful
prospect of another winter would have to be faced. All
hands were set to work to blast and saw a passage for
the ship to the lane at the edge of the floe, but this was
a serious matter with ice ten feet thick. The food supply
was running low, and, willing or unwilling, the workers
had to support their strength on penguin and seal meat ;
394 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
but hard work and hope made the unsavoury food so
welcome that seven meals were disposed of in the twenty-
four hours. On the 14th, thanks partly to the cutting
and partly to the wind the ship broke loose and was
water-borne once more, but another month elapsed before
she was able to win her way to the open sea, and it was
March 28th, 1899, before she steamed into Punta Arenas.
Never before were the bleak shores of Magellan Strait
so welcome to the seafarer, and the harsh autumn wind
from the forests of Tierra del Fuego was laden with all
the perfumes of spring to the worn-out explorers who for
more than a year had lived in a world of ice with no
natural odour more fragrant than a penguin rookery.
The Belgica had a splendid reception when after linger-
ing in South American ports she returned to Belgium
early in November. The expedition was of unprecedented
importance from the duration and regularity of the rou-
tine scientific observations in the far south, the complete-
ness of the collections and the zeal and courage of the
cosmopolitan scientific staff who toiled in great discom-
fort without even the consolation of free conversation in
any language equally understood by all. The Belgian
Government undertook the elaboration and publication of
the scientific results in the most generous manner, and the
work of the Belgica will be an enduring monument of
scientific enthusiasm.
The Belgica had found no new land south of the Ant-
arctic circle, but during most of the drift she had been in
water less than 250 fathoms deep, gradually shoaling
toward the south, in fact on a continental shelf similar
to that which belts about the sea-washed continents,
though submerged to a somewhat greater depth. The
suggestion is inevitable that somewhere not very far to
Carstens Egeberg Borchgrevink.
(Photograph by Messrs. Thomson, London.)
[To face f>. 394.
FIRST ANTARCTIC NIGHT 395
the south there is extensive land. The temperature of the
air in the Antarctic summer south of 70 ° S. was found to
average 290 F., not half a degree higher than was found
by the Fram north of 84° N. ; the mean temperature for
the year was found to be 15° F. while the mean for July,
the coldest month, was —8° and that for February, the
warmest month, 340.
Mr. Borchgrevink who had sailed before the mast on Mr.
Bull’s Antarctic whaling expedition of 1894-95 had on his
return to Europe tried hard to get up a trading expedition
to proceed to Victoria Land in the hope of securing a re-
munerative cargo, perhaps guano from Possession Island ;
but the scheme fell through. In 1898 however he suc-
ceeded in inducing Sir George Newnes to fit out a scien-
tific expedition in a single ship, and the plans were made
without requesting any official recognition. The ship
was an old Norwegian whaler, the Pollux, similar in size
to the Balaena, and she was provided with new engines
of unusual power for the occasion, as well as with a new
name, the Southern Cross. Mr. Borchgrevink was singu-
larly fortunate in the selection of his staff. As captain of
the ship he had Bernhard Jensen, whose interest in the Ant-
arctic regions had led him to join the whaler Antarctic
as second mate in 1894, although for many years he had
commanded his own ship in the Arctic whaling trade.
William Colbeck, a sub-lieutenant in the Royal Naval
Reserve, and a first-rate navigator and sound surveyor,
was chosen as magnetic observer, and Louis Bernacchi, a
British subject of Tasmanian birth, who had been trained
in the Melbourne Observatory, went as meteorologist.
Mr. Bernacchi had been promised a berth on the Belgian
expedition if the original intention to call at Melbourne
had been carried out ; but as time passed and it became
396 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
plain that the Belgica had been caught in the ice, he came
to London in order to apply for a post on the Southern
Cross. The other members of the staff included Dr.
Herlof Klovstad as surgeon, Anton Fougner, Nicolai
Hanson, an experienced natural history collector and zo-
ologist employed at the time of his appointment at the
Natural History Museum in London, and Hugh Black-
well Evans, a typical young Englishman and thorough
sportsman, as assistant zoologist. From such men much
was to be expected. The expedition carried a number of
dogs with two Lapps as dog-attendants. Although the
Southern Cross had been equipped privately without con-
sultation with the National Antarctic Expedition, which
was then taking shape, and without any definite scheme
for cooperation or arrangements for relief in case of dis-
aster, Mr. Borchgrevink laid his plans before the Royai
Geographical Society on the eve of sailing, and received
a hearty send-off from many individuals interested in
science as he left the Thames on August 22nd, 1898. The
voyage to Hobart occupied ninety-eight days and after a
short stay there the Southern Cross left for the south on
December 19th.
The ship soon fell in with the pack and had a long and
difficult time in it. Despairing at last of getting through
in the neighbourhood of Balleny Islands the commander
worked northward again to the open sea after forty-eight
days in the ice, and re-entered the pack farther east, where
it was lighter. In six hours the pack was passed through
and the Southern Cross ran into open water on February
nth 1899, in latitude 70° S., longitude 1740 E. Land
was sighted on the 16th, and on February 17th the first
anchor ever dropped within the Antarctic circle struck
ground in Robertson Bay off the low peninsula where
FIRST ANTARCTIC NIGHT 397
Kristensen had landed from the whaler Antarctic in 1894
at the foot of Cape Adare.
So it happened that at the same time in nearly the same
latitude, but on opposite sides of the vast unknown Ant-
arctica, all hands on board the Belgica were toiling with
all their might to break from their prison in the floe before
Synoptic Diagram of the First Two Expeditions Wintering
in the Antarctic.
Note — Each vertical column represents a month. The hori-
zontal bands show the duration of the expeditions, the period
passed south of 6o°S. being shown in solid black.
a second winter befell; and all on board the Southern
Cross were straining every nerve to unload stores and the
material for a house in which to pass the first long night
on land within the southern circle. The task of unload-
ing was hard enough as heavy gales sometimes prevented
communication between ship and shore, and the time was
short if the Southern Cross was to escape from the
dangerous bay before the young ice formed. By March
2nd the preparations were made and the ship departed to
winter in New Zealand, while a party of ten all told
settled down for a year of unknown hardship. In addi-
tion to the commander and the scientific staff there were
398 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
the two Lapps in charge of the dogs and a Norwegian
cook. Meteorological and magnetic observations were
started and natural history collecting undertaken, but the
exploration by land, of which much had been hoped, was
of very small account. The pioneers of the Antarctic
land were after all closer prisoners than the wanderers in
the Antarctic pack. A few excursions along the shores
of Robertson Bay or across its ice, climbing the cliff of
Cape Adare to a height somewhat exceeding 3,000 feet,
and looking at the coast to the south, summed up the
exploits. The interior ice-cap was not reached, and no
land exploration in the ordinary sense of the word was
accomplished. The scientific observations however were
interesting, though had the commander of the expedition
been more fully instructed in the method of getting the
best work from his expert assistants, by leaving them a
free hand in their several departments, they might quite
possibly have been better still. In Antarctic exploration
as in life generally, however, there is always the consola-
tion that while things could have been better than they
are, they might also have been worse ; and despite some
faults the expedition of the Southern Cross did excellent
work.
The winter proved terribly severe. The storms which
shook the little wooden house were of an altogether unex-
pected fury, and fierce blizzards drove the snow in blind-
ing sheets which made it impossible to walk or even to
crawl on all-fours from the hut to the thermometer screen.
The sun did not appear above the horizon from May 15th
to July 29th, a period of seventy-five days, for Cape Adare
in latitude 71 0 15' S. was practically the same distance
from the Pole as the Belgica during her drift ; but there
was no day during the winter on which a glimmer of
FIRST ANTARCTIC NIGHT 399
twilight at noon failed to remind the watchful that the
sun was shining far off over the round of the Earth.
A peculiarity of the storms was the occasional sudden
rise of temperature with a south wind, the thermometer
sometimes leaping from — 350 to +20° (a rise of 55
degrees) in a few hours. The party got on no worse
than the majority of polar wintering parties, and they
probably felt the melancholy-breeding monotony less than
many, for they had excellent tinned foods and made a
point of eating seal and penguin flesh and penguin eggs
at every opportunity. The general health was good,
there was no heart trouble and the distressing symptoms
from which the Belgian expedition suffered were almost
wholly absent.
A terrible catastrophe was narrowly escaped towards
the end of the winter. The hut caught fire from the care-
less placing of a candle, and the flames were extinguished
with difficulty. However no great harm was done, and
the escape was a useful lesson in caution.
A more serious trouble of the long night was the illness
which attacked Mr. Hanson, the zoologist. It presented
some of the symptoms of scurvy, but if it were that dis-
ease it affected only one of the party, though all fared
alike. Mr. Hanson grew rapidly worse and died in the
beginning of spring, on October 14th, 1899, the day when
the first sign of the new season appeared in the return of
the penguins from their northern winter quarters to their
southern nesting places. He was buried in a grave blasted
in the frozen soil and dug deep into the heart of the under-
lying ice of a buried glacier. The two Lapps, who were
much affected, concluded the funeral service by chanting
a hymn in their own strange language. Spring advanced
and the summer of the Antarctic came with the never-dip-
4oo SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
ping sun, the swarms of breeding penguins crowding on
every spot of bare land and up the cliffs for a thousand
feet, and the seals basking on the shore. A bright look-out
was kept for the return of the ship, but mid-summer
passed and the first month of the last year of the nine-
teenth century was nearly done. Deferred hope at length
made the watch slack, but suddenly one morning the sleep-
ing party in the hut was aroused by a fresh voice shout-
ing “ Post! ” and there stood Captain Jensen laden with
letters and newspapers. This was on January 28th, and on
February 2nd, 1900, men and dogs had embarked on the
Southern Cross, and the hut was left by itself in good
condition with stores enough to be of material service to
any later travellers who might wander there.
The course was laid southward along the coast charted
by Ross, and some fine photographs were obtained of the
islands and promontories as well as sketches, for Mr.
Borchgrevink could draw well. The photographs show a
remarkable similarity to the scenery of the Palmer archi-
pelago, the snow from the upper slopes accumulating
below the cliffs to form a confluent shore glacier from
which miniature icebergs break off. But in addition the
coast of Victoria Land was seamed by great glaciers
descending from the immense plateau behind, and some-
times thrusting their icy tongues far into the sea. A land-
ing was made on Coulman Island in 73 0 20' S., but the
stay on shore was limited to twenty minutes, the highly
magnetic basaltic rocks making it hopeless to attempt
magnetic observations. The Southern Cross was fortu-
nate in being able to enter Wood Bay, which was found
to run much farther into the land than Ross had supposed,
and a landing was made at the base of the grand cone of
Mount Melbourne. Some thick reindeer moss was found
Emperor Penguins.
(From a photograph taken by the National Antarctic Expedition.)
3S.
FIRST ANTARCTIC NIGHT 401
on shore at this point, indicating that Antarctica is not an
absolute blank to the botanist. A broad ice-foot swept
southward along the coast from Cape Washington, but
the coast itself was easily visible beyond it, as the South-
ern Cross found the sea much more free from ice than did
the Erebus and Terror. On February 9th a landing was
made on Franklin Island where magnetic observations
were secured on a beach swarming with vociferous
penguins. Reindeer moss was discovered here again.
Next day the ship lay-to off Cape Crozier waiting for the
clouds to disperse and reveal the forms of Mounts Erebus
and Terror, which had been hidden from human sight
since the ships that brought them their names carried Ross
and Crozier back to the open ocean sixty years before. A
landing was made near the foot of Cape Crozier at great
risk, the party who scrambled on the narrow ledge of
rocks being nearly washed away by the surge raised by a
mass of ice falling into the sea. When the ship, steering
eastward, had passed Cape Crozier a little before mid-
night the clouds dispersed and Mount Terror stood out
plainly, a large part of its upper slopes free from snow
and dotted with parasitic cones, each with its crater. At:
the foot of the mountain near Cape Crqzier there stretched
the largest penguin rookery yet seen, Mr. Bernacchi esti-
mating the number of birds at millions. But the most
impressive feature of all was the great ice-barrier which
now began to drag its slow length past the ship, commenc-
ing at Cape Crozier and running eastward for an indefi-
nite distance.
As the Southern Cross steamed along the face of the
towering wall of ice, much closer than the fear of finding
himself on a lee-shore ever allowed Ross to sail, the
weather grew bitterly cold. Though it was still summer
26
402 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
the temperature fell to —8° F., and the surface of the sea
was swathed in a freezing mist. Up aloft in the crow’s
nest the sun was shining gloriously, and later, when the
mist lifted for a moment, there was an impressive glimpse
from the deck of the great mass of Mount Erebus, a flag
of smoke trailing from the summit. The glimpse was
momentary and no photograph could be taken. On
February Iith the ship had out-distanced the Erebus and
Terror toward the Pole, and the party were farther south
than any man had been before, in latitude 78° 21' S.
There was much jubilation on board in consequence. The
weather was no party to the joy, and again the little ship
had a tempestuous time, tossing about amongst the ice-
bergs off the barrier. As she proceeded the skies smiled
once more, and the nature of the great barrier began to
change. It grew lower, the edge became indented by
irregular inlets and in longitude 164° W. the wall dipped
until it was only a quay of ice inviting the traveller to
step ashore. The invitation was accepted, and the South-
ern Cross moored alongside as if she had been in dock.
Here she lay for a whole day waiting for clear weather.
February 19th was one of the finest days of the Antarctic
year. The ice stretched beyond the reach of the eye in a
smooth, uniform, snow-covered sweep over which ski-
travelling was a joy to men so long cramped up on ship-
board. So firm and smooth was it that Mr. Bernacchi
declared that it would serve as a road for a motor car.
Mr. Borchgrevink and Lieutenant Colbeck made a short
sledge trip southward over the ice, attaining 78° 50' S.,
and thus establishing a “ record ” for southward travel.
No particulars of this trip have been published.
At 1 p. m. on February 19th the Southern Cross cast
off from the barrier and not • an hour too soon ; the
FIRST ANTARCTIC NIGHT 403
intense cold had already transformed the surface of the
sea into a field of young ice through which the powerful
engines had as much as they could do to force the ship.
Except for a second landing on Franklin Island a straight
run was made for the nearest temperate land. No ice
whatever was met with, the pack had entirely disappeared,
but the weather was extremely boisterous and it was
March 21st, 1900, before Auckland Island was reached.
In June the scientific staff were home in England.
The scientific results of the expedition were not so
great as had been expected. The zoological collections
had suffered badly in transit, some valuable notes by Mr.
Hanson had been lost, and one small volume comprises
the discussion of animal life, while the physical observa-
tions also fill but little space. Mr. Colbeck’s careful
and trustworthy map of the great ice barrier showed that
its edge had receded about thirty miles since Ross's voy-
age, and the coast generally was less encumbered by pack
ice than it had been sixty years before. Interesting as a
dashing piece of pioneer work, and useful in training
men for later service, the voyage of the Southern Cross
was the last effort of the nineteenth century, the century
which had solved all problems of geographical discovery
except that of the Poles.
One other expedition of the nineteenth century must
be noticed, though, as in that of the Challenger, Antarctic
research was only an incident in its work. Professor
Chun of Leipzig, a prominent zoologist, had induced the
Imperial German Government to supply funds for a
scientific deep-sea expedition under his leadership, which
was dispatched on board the Hamburg-America Line’s
steamer Valdivia, commanded by Captain Krech. No
scientific expedition was ever more comfortably installed
404 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
or more carefully provided for, one detail being that the
life of every member of the large scientific staff was
insured for £1,500. Of the staff it is only necessary to
mention here Professor Vanhoffen of Kiel, one of the zo-
ologists, and Dr. Gerhard Schott of Hamburg, the ocean-
ographer. The Valdivia sailed from Hamburg on August
1st, 1898, and after visiting the Firth of Forth to receive
special advice from Sir John Murray, made extensive
observations in the Atlantic. She left Cape Town on
November 13th, bound for Bouvet Island, which no eye
had seen for seventy-five years, and which had been sought
in vain by Cook, Ross and Moore. The Valdivia steamed
slowly westward in the assigned latitude, and although on
the morning of November 25th, a sounding showed the
depth to be 1,890 fathoms, the multitude of sea-birds made
the proximity of land so probable that a very sharp look-
out was kept, and at 3 p. m. Captain Krech had the satis-
faction of hearing the welcome cry of “ Land ahead ! ”
and there seven miles off, rose the sharp outline of the
elusive isle. It proved to be a small volcanic island
measuring about six miles by five, almost completely
sheathed in ice, though it was then close on mid-summer,
and the latitude corresponded to that of Belfast. The
exact position of the centre was found to be 540 26' S.
and 30 24' E. Ross must have passed eighteen miles
north of the island, Moore must have turned back while
only about fifteen miles east of it. The photograph taken
on board the Valdivia and here reproduced, shows this
speck of land, a true child of the mists, the first report of
which had been hailed as proof of the existence of the
mythical Southern Continent. The Valdivia pursued her
way southward and eastward from 8° E. to 58° E., as
near the edge of the southern ice-pack as it was possible
FIRST ANTARCTIC NIGHT 405
for a lightly built steel vessel to go, and all along her route,
the soundings, taken at frequent intervals, showed an
unexpectedly great depth, averaging about 3,000 fathoms.
On December 16th the farthest south point was reached
in 64° 15' S. and 540 20' E., where the depth was 2,540
fathoms, and Enderby Land should have been only 102
miles to the south. The dredge and trawl came up loaded
with stones which had been dropped by the melting ice-
bergs, and when examined these proved to consist of con-
tinental rocks, granite, gneiss and schist, with one huge
block of red sandstone weighing a quarter of a ton. En-
derby Land, if these came thence, was evidently not a vol-
canic island. More than 180 icebergs were counted in
sight at once, the largest ten miles long, the highest ris-
ing to 192 feet above sea-level. At that time the crew of
the Belgica were beginning to work hard in the attempt
to escape from a second winter in the ice, and the South-
ern Cross was lying in Hobart ready to start for Victoria
Land. The Valdivia proceeded to Kerguelen, where a
few days were spent, and then she continued her sound-
ings and dredgings in the Indian Ocean, returning to
Europe by the Suez Canal, and reaching Hamburg on
April 30th, 1899, after a cruise of the most gratifying suc-
cess.
CHAPTER XX
EARLY EXPEDITIONS OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
. . We ask
To put forth just our strength, our human strength
All starting fairly, all equipped alike,
Gifted alike, all eagle-eyed, true-hearted.”
— Robert Browning.
EACH of the recent expeditions has happily its own
leader as its chronicler, and their volumes, not this
chapter, are required to body forth the latest achieve-
ments. We must refer to these great efforts in order to
complete our story, showing how the triumphs of the
twentieth century have sprung from the thought of the
nineteenth, and how far they have extended the knowl-
edge which inspired them. We endeavour accordingly
to avoid detail and to supply only a skeleton to be com-
pleted by the official narratives of the various expeditions.
Some questions as to the renewal of South Polar
research must at present be handled with restraint. When
the plans for the various expeditions were being beaten
into shape sparks flew about, not perhaps so hot as in the
days when the American flotilla was being manned, or as
in those when the verbosity of Dalrymple evoked the curt
profanity of a free-spoken generation of Sea Lords; yet
until these sparks are cold in memory they are best left
unstirred.
The action which followed the International Geograph-
ical Congress in London in 1895 first took shape in an
effort by the Royal Geographical Society, supported by
406
Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B.
(Photograph by Messrs. Thomson, London.)
[To /ace p. 406.
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 407
other learned societies, to induce the British Government
to send out a naval expedition, but this was unsuccess-
ful. Sir Clements Markham, as president of the Royal
Geographical Society, thereupon reiterated his declaration
of two years before that he would never swerve from the
task until it was completed. From that time the whole
strength of his vehement personality was thrown into the
work of promoting an expedition and he triumphed over
every obstacle. In face of his enthusiasm others who
took a different view as to organisation, or were less hope-
ful of the practicability of building a ship or dispatching
an expedition until all the funds necessary for its com-
pletion and return were secured, gradually offered less
and less opposition, and finally ceased to urge the views
they continued to hold. A remarkable meeting took
place in the rooms of the Royal Society on February 26th,
1898, when all the leaders in the movement for polar dis-
covery were present and spoke with a unanimity of pur-
pose which no one who heard them can soon forget. Sir
John Murray commenced by summarising the scientific
conditions which required investigation, and reiterated
his opinion that only a naval expedition with a credit of
£150,000 should be looked upon as sufficient for the task
of exploration. Sir Joseph Hooker, Dr. Fridtjof Nansen,
Dr. von Neumayer, Sir Clements Markham and many
others took part in the discussion, which was prolonged
to an hour unprecedented in the 250 years’ annals of the
Royal Society.
At the same time there was a fresh movement in Ger-
many, where an influential Committee presided over by
Dr. von Neumayer selected as the leader of a German Ant-
arctic expedition Dr. Erich von Drygalski, one of the
Professors of Geography in the University of Berlin, and
4o8 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
already known as a student of Arctic ice in Greenland.
Steps were taken to collect funds, and plans were elabo-
rated for an attack on the totally unknown region south
of Kerguelen. Through much talk and endless delays the
various Committees in both countries made progress
slowly. The scheme for a British National Expedition
was referred to a joint Committee of the Royal Society
and the Royal Geographical Society; but the moving
spirit was always Sir Clements Markham. Government
was approached and declined to help; even the loan of
officers was declared to be impossible in the opinion of
those best acquainted with the resources of the navy.
The scheme might have dropped once more in England
had not two wealthy Fellows of the Royal Geographical
Society come forward with magnificent donations, Mr.
L. W. Longstaff giving £25,000 (more than double the
whole cost of the Belgica expedition) and Sir Alfred
Harmsworth giving £5,000. Fortified with this promise
of success an influential deputation waited on the First
Lord of the Treasury and urged that the Government
should participate in -the work. In July, 1899, the reply
came; it was entirely favourable and a sum of £45,000
was promised in aid of the expedition, and shortly after-
wards the Admiralty agreed to allow leave to such officers
and men as might be selected from the Royal Navy.
Committees and sub-committees continued to meet con-
tinually, plans were proposed, rejected and modified,
appointments were made and cancelled, differences of
opinion arose and were silenced; but at length in 1901
the British and German national expeditions were com-
plete and ready for sea. For each a special vessel had
been built, and though the constitutions of the expeditions
were radically dissimilar, a basis for co-operation in sim-
Captain R. F. Scott, R.X., C.Y.O.
(Photograph by Messrs. Thomson, London.)"*
[ To face p. 408.
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 409
ultaneous observations had been arrived at, and in the first
year of the twentieth century the two ships passed south-
ward through the Atlantic and entered on their task.
The old name of “ Discovery ” was given to the new
British ship built at Dundee of solid oak. A large area
of the hull was kept entirely free from any magnetic
metal, so that the most delicate magnetic observations
could be made on board. She was barque-rigged with
short masts and a small spread of canvas, but had power-
ful engines for a vessel of her type. The command of
the expedition as well as of the ship was given to Com-
mander R. F. Scott, R.N., formerly a torpedo lieutenant,
and a man not only born to command but sympathetic
with every branch of scientific work. The second in com-
mand and navigating officer was Lieutenant Albert Armi-
tage, R.N.R., who had taken part in the Jackson-Harms-
worth Arctic expedition in Franz Josef Land and so had
seen something of polar ice. The other officers were
Lieutenant C. Royds, R.N., who had charge of the mete-
orological observations in addition to his naval duties,
Lieutenant M. Barne, R.N., and Lieutenant E. Ii. Shack-
leton, R. N. R. Engineer-Lieutenant Skelton was the
official photographer of the expedition. The four warrant
officers, seven petty officers and most of the crew of 27
men were picked from a very large number of volunteers
from the Navy. In spite of the naval character of the
ship's company she sailed under the blue ensign as a
yacht. Two surgeons accompanied the expedition, Dr.
R. Koettlitz, an enthusiastic naturalist who had served in
the same capacity on the Jackson-Harms worth expedition,
and Dr. E. T. Wilson, who was also an extremely talented
artist. To each of these special scientific duties were as-
signed. Three other members completed the scientific
4io SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
staff, Mr. L. Bernacchi, who had been on the Southern
Cross expedition and had wintered at Cape Adare, was
magnetician and physicist ; Mr. T. V. Hodgson, an inde-
fatigable natural history collector, was zoologist, and
Mr. H. T. Ferrar, a young Cambridge graduate, was
geologist Mr. George Murray of the British Museum,
who accompanied the expedition as far as Cape Town
only, was appointed scientific director. The whole ship’s
company of fifty composed a splendid body of young men
all in the highest state of health and intensely interested
in the expedition on which they were bound.
A better set of fellows than the officers and scientific
staff were never afloat together, and whatever might have
been the case on other expeditions harmony and good-will
reigned on board the Discovery ; each was determined to
do his very best and each did it. How much better they
might have done with a more thorough preliminary train-
ing in scientific work we cannot tell, but as it was the
officers and scientific staff of the Discovery were able to
do more and better work than anyone could have antici-
pated when they set out.
Leaving Cowes on August 6th, 1901, and Madeira on
the 1 6th, the Discovery reached Simon’s Bay on October
3rd, and after a short stay sailed for New Zealand on the
14th. In the course of the passage a detour southward
was made when south of Australia, in order to carry out
some special magnetic work and to give the ship her
baptism of ice. The pack was encountered in 62° S., 140°
E., and was penetrated for a few* miles on November 16th,
but there was no time then to spare and the ship headed
for New Zealand, calling for a few hours at Macquarie
Island, and reaching Lyttelton on November 29th. Cer-
tain repairs were necessary and fresh stores had to be
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 41 1
obtained. The people of New Zealand were much inter-
ested and very enthusiastic, and when the Discovery
finally sailed from Port Chalmers on December 24th,
1901, she was laden with welcome gifts in the form of
fresh mutton and vegetables.
The main objects of the expedition were officially stated
to be to determine as far as possible the nature and extent
of that portion of the South Polar lands which the ship
would be able to reach, and to conduct a magnetic survey.
The question of wintering was left to the discretion of
the commander, but a relief ship was arranged for
to communicate with the expedition in the following
summer.
The Discovery met the pack on January 1, 1902, almost
on the Antarctic circle, and worked her way through in
exactly a week, finding open sea in 70° 25' S., 1730 44' E.
A landing was made at Cape Adare on the 9th, and next
day the ship commenced her southward progress along
the coast, though troubled occasionally by drifting ice.
Several landings were made and records set up on shore
to guide the relief ship in the following year. On Janu-
ary 22nd, a party landed at the base of Mount Terror near
Cape Crozier. The ship then coasted the great barrier
eastward, finding soundings of about 300 fathoms, until
the 29th, when in 165° E. the water shoaled to 100
fathoms, and for two days' journey farther east it varied
between 100 and 70 fathoms, a sure indication of the im-
mediate proximity of land. Land was discovered stretch-
ing north-eastward from 1550 to 150° W. where a heavy
pack made it necessary to turn back. The bare rocks
were seen projecting from the snow-covered hills, and in
King Edward VII. Land Scott had the good fortune to
prove the truth of those signs which Ross had recognised
412 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
at his farthest east, but could not altogether trust. Return-
ing along the barrier the ship was moored to a low quay
of ice in 164° W., where the balloon was landed and a
captive ascent made in order to get a wide view toward
the south and Mr. Armitage made a sledge-trip across the
undulating surface of the barrier to 78° 50' S.
On February 10th, the Discovery entered McMurdo
Bay and anchored a few miles to the south-west of Mount
Erebus, in a sheltered harbour where it seemed safe to
winter. She sailed over the slopes of the mountains as
laid down on Ross’s chart, almost the only instance in
which that cautious navigator had drawn land from in-
sufficient evidence. Here all possible precautions were
taken to secure the ship and to ensure the safety of any
land party should the ice suddenly break away and carry
the Discovery out. Huts were erected on shore and
many short excursions undertaken, in the course of which
it was found that Ross’s first impression that Mts. Erebus
and Terror were on an island was correct, that the Parry
Mountains did not exist, and that McMurdo Bay was not
a bay at all, but a strait leading southward between
“ High Island,” as Ross first called it, and the mainland, a
lofty mountain on v/hich was named after the Discovery.
On one of the excursions the only fatal accident during
the whole stay in the Antarctic regions occurred, a party
being overtaken by a blizzard when crossing a dangerous
snowfield terminating in a vertical ice-cliff, over which
one of the sailors fell into the sea and was lost.
Early in April, 1902, the cold became very severe, tem-
peratures more than 40 degrees below zero being re-
corded ; but even as late as the first week of May all the
ice was blown out of the strait to within 200 yards of the
ship. The winter passed cheerily, everyone was busy
“Discovery” alongside the Great Southern Barrier.
(Photograph supplied by the National Antarctic Expedition.)
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 413
with the observations, with preparations for the sledge
journeys in the spring or with the compilation of a brilliant
literary and artistic production, the South Polar Times .
No one before this date had ever wintered so far south
by nearly 500 miles, and although the night was long, and
some cause for anxiety appeared in unmistakable symp-
toms of scurvy, no one gave way to melancholy, and the
disease yielded to treatment.
In spring, early in September, the long sledge journeys
began, and they were gradually extended as depots were
laid down to the south. Finally with nineteen dogs in
good condition and pulling well, Scott, Shackleton and
Wilson set out from the ship on November 2nd, 1902,
on the main journey over the sea-ice. The winter quar-
ters were in 770 49' S., 1660 E., and the route lay due
south until the parallel of 8o° was crossed on November
27th, and then the course was altered for a time to south-
west. Depots were laid down at intervals and provisions
left to be picked up on the return journey, but going was
difficult and progress very slow, for the whole load could
not be carried at once and every mile made to the south-
ward entailed three miles of heavy marching. To the
west the land rose above the flat surface of the barrier
on which the first Antarctic land travellers were toiling
along, and when the latitude of 82° 17' S. was reached
on December 30th, Scott determined to make an effort
to reach the base of the fine mountain range then in sight,
but toward the shore the ice became so broken and abrupt
that the attempt had to be given up. Mount Markham
(15,100 feet) and Mount Longstaff (9,700 feet) are situ-
ated in about 83° S., huge summits which have taken the
place so long held by Mounts Erebus and Terror as the
most southerly ever seen. It would be impossible to
414 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
overrate the importance of this splendid journey, and
from the modest descriptions of those who made it we
have some difficulty in realising its tremendous nature.
At the farthest point, after travelling 59 days, the three
were 380 miles from their ship, on sea-ice, although in
sight of the great range which continues the coast line of
Victoria Land to the southward. They had lost or ex-
hausted most of the dogs and the stock of food had been
nicely calculated to bring them back to the ship if they
never had a full meal all the way and picked up each of
the depots left in the trackless waste. The return jour-
ney was a heroic achievement. The dogs were useless
and the weather very bad. The first depot was ap-
proached in a fog, with nothing to guide the travellers,
and only two days’ provisions were left when it was
found. Laden with the supplies left there Scott and
Wilson had to pull the sledges alone, for Shackleton had
broken down, and only his indomitable will made it
possible for him to walk along without burdening his
companions further. The ship was reached on February
3rd, 1903, the return journey having been accomplished
in only 34 days, as with the lighter loads it was not
necessary to do the work by relays. The total absence
from the ship had been 93 days, and results of startling
novelty as to the nature of the great ice barrier had been
secured.
Meanwhile Armitage and Skelton made a journey from
the ship up one of the glaciers which descends from the
western mountains, nearly in latitude 78° S. They
reached the summit of a snow-clad tableland beyond the
bare granite peaks of the mountains, and before they
were compelled to turn they were 9,000 feet above the
sea and 130 miles distant from the winter quarters.
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 415
Many shorter journeys were made, valuable collections
of geological and natural history specimens were secured,
and the meteorological and magnetic observations were
kept up day and night without intermission. The Dis-
covery had good reason to be content with her first
season’s work.
Meanwhile at home the Royal Geographical Society,
responding to the stimulus of Sir Clements Markham, had
bought another ship, a stout Norwegian whaler, the Mor-
gen, a name translated into the Morning for her new
work. She was placed under the command of Lieuten-
ant Colbeck, R. N. R., whose work on the expedition of
the Southern Cross we have already referred to, and
sailed from the Thames on 9th July, 1902. Leaving
Lyttelton, New Zealand, on December 9th, she crossed
the Antarctic circle and discovered a new island (since
called Scott Island) on the 180th meridian on Christmas
Day. After picking up the records left at various points
on the coast, Colbeck sighted the Discovery’s masts from
afar on January 25th, 1903. The ice had not broken
out of McMurdo Strait as in the previous year, and
stores had to be sledged across nearly ten miles of frozen
sea. The Morning left on her return voyage on March
3rd, a very late date for navigation in such latitudes, but
she got through safely. Lieutenant Shackleton was in-
valided home and Lieutenant Mulock, R. N., of the
Morning took his place on the Discovery. The ice never
broke out and the ship remained fast for another year of
steady work and arduous exploration. Great stores of
seal-meat and of skua gulls were laid in for food before
winter, and the ship’s company were thus able to live
almost entirely on fresh provisions. The ship was made
snug for the winter, greater comfort being secured i\
416 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
consequence of previous experience. A vast addition
to the happiness of life was brought about by the use of
brilliant acetylene lamps in the living rooms. The winter
passed happily and surprisingly quickly, and there was
not a single case of illness.
With early spring sledge parties began to go out on
excursions of various length, and intensely bitter cold
was experienced, vying with any met with by Arctic ex-
plorers and rarely exceeded even in northern Siberia.
The temperature for days together kept below — 50° F.
and once fell as low as — 68°. After many preliminary
trips the main journey was started on October 26th, when
Captain Scott led a party including Mr. Skelton and at
first Mr. Ferrar. The route lay nearly due west, ascend-
ing one of the great though much shrunken glaciers to
the vast plateau beyond the mountains. The high altitude
and the fatigue told heavily on some of the party, and on
November 22nd Skelton started back to the ship with
several of the worn-out men, while Scott pushed forward
with the two hardiest. Although about 9,000 feet above
sea level the flatness of the ice-surface was hardly
broken, and the most careful observations with a levelled
theodolite could just detect the slight inequalities. There
were no dogs on this expedition and so everything had
to be hauled by hand on sledges. On November 30th,
1903, Scott reached his farthest point and fixed the posi-
tion as 770 59' S. and 146° 33' E., a distance of 300
miles from the ship, toward the centre of the continent
of Antarctica. The return journey was rapid, and the
Discovery was safely reached on Christmas Eve after an
absence of 59 days, the average daily journey having
thus been about To miles, as compared with a daily aver-
age of 8 miles on the great southern journey over the
Me Mur do Bay.
(From a photograph taken by the National Antarctic Expedition.)
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 417
sea-ice in the previous year. After passing the glacier
valley and the mountain border there was nothing to
map, nothing to see but snow and sky, no sound of life,
no gleam of colour: the visible scene, always bounded by
the narrow horizon that a man’s height commands, was
more uniform than the sea. From the nature of the
surface Captain Scott concluded that on this lofty con-
tinental plateau the evaporation from the frozen surface
equalled if it did not exceed the fall of snow.
Preparations had been made to commence cutting a
channel to the ship through the ice from some islets nine
miles to seaward, where open water was expected to be
found in the middle of December; but at that date the
open sea was still separated from the Discovery by seven-
teen miles of ice, about seven feet thick. The progress
of this work by means of sawing and blasting was so
slow that it soon became clear that the ship could not be
relieved in that way. Everyone however was in exuber-
ant health and high spirits, and when on January 5th,
1904, the Morning appeared at the ice-edge with peremp-
tory orders from home to leave the Discovery and return,
the pleasure of receiving news from the living world was
changed to gloom at the thought of having to desert the
finest polar ship ever built, in perfect condition, and sure
of ultimate release. The Morning was accompanied by
another and larger vessel, the Terra Nova, sent out by
the Admiralty to ensure the relief of a party which hap-
pily was in no need of assistance. Hard as it was to do
so, steps were taken to obey orders, and by the end of
January all the instruments, registers, collections and
valuable books had been removed to the relief ships.
This was no sooner done than the ice began to break up,
and on February 3rd the open sea was only six or seven
27
418 SIEGE OE THE SOUTH POLE
miles from the imprisoned Discovery. The crews of all
three vessels now set to work making holes in the ice, in
which charges of powerful explosives were placed in
order to form cracks and enable the ocean swell to do its
work more quickly. On the 12th the breadth of the
remaining ice was three miles, and on the 14th it broke
away so rapidly that the relief ships came close up to
the Discovery, which was sealed into a little bay with ice
from twelve to seventeen feet thick. On the 16th a final
explosion set the ship free, too soon as it happened, for a
furious gale drove her ashore and for some time she
bumped heavily on a shoal and was in great danger. No
real harm was done, and when the storm blew over, the
relief ships proceeded to supply coal to the Discovery
though the two vessels could spare only 75 tons between
them, a ridiculously inadequate amount. On February
1 8th, 1904, the three ships started northward.
On March 2nd land was sighted, which was thought at
first to be Ross’s Russell Island, but Scott identified it as
Sturge Island of the Balleny group, and clearly recog-
nised the other islands from MacNab’s drawing given in
the log of the Eliza Scott. The opportunity now pre-
sented itself of verifying Wilkes’s discoveries of land,
but the wretched modicum of coal supplied by the relief
ships barred a most interesting and quite practicable
piece of research. The relief ships had disappeared.
Scott made the most of what coal he had, and for two
and a half days held on his course westward, well to the
south of the Antarctic circle, in clear weather and open
sea with icebergs in sight but no appearance of land, and
a great ocean swell heaving in from the northward over
the positions assigned to Ringgold’s Knoll and Eld’s
Peak. No appearance of Cape Pludson could be dis-
Professor Dr. Erich von Drygalski.
(Photograph by Messrs. Thomson, London).
[ To face 418.
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 419
cerned when, from its position on the chart, it should
have been a conspicuous object.
On March 5th the Discovery crossed the Antarctic
circle northward, after having spent the unprecedented
time of two years and two months within it, and on the
19th she anchored in Laurie Cove, Auckland Island, with
only ten tons of coal left in her bunkers. The Morn-
ing and Terra Nova appeared at this rendezvous a few
days later, and the fleet proceeded to Lyttleton in com-
pany.
The Discovery returned to England by Cape Horn and
received an enthusiastic welcome on her arrival in Sep-
tember, 1904. The Royal Geographical Society ex-
pressed the general feeling of pride and gratification at
the outcome of the work by presenting two gold medals
to Captain Scott, and steps were immediately taken to
have the large collections and series of observations
adequately described and discussed. Scott showed that
there were grounds for believing the great Southern
Barrier to be the edge of an immense field of ice which
in some previous period had filled the Antarctic Sea, but
was now so far reduced in thickness as to be afloat. The
great glaciers descending from the high plateau of Vic-
toria Land were also found to have shrunk greatly.
While the purely geographical achievements of the Dis-
covery are things that take the eye and have their value
instantly recognised, the more important researches on
magnetism, meteorology, oceanography, geology and
biology cannot be fully appreciated until they are set in
the light of the simultaneous work done by the other
national expeditions, and this requires time. Not the least
important for purposes of comparison are the results of
the German expedition, which were planned to be simul-
420 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
taneous and comparable during the whole of the first
year in the ice.
The work of organising the German expedition by Pro-
fessor von Drygalski was greatly helped by the active
participation of Admiral Count Baudissin of the German
Admiralty, and by the enlightened action of Count Posa-
dowsky, the Imperial Home Secretary, who secured in
April, 1899, a government grant to cover the whole
expense. The plans provided for one ship with a supple-
mentary station in Kerguelen Land where a scientific
party was to remain during the sojourn of the main body
in the ice. The ship was built at Kiel, entirely of timber,
was modelled somewhat on the lines of Nansen’s famous
vessel, the Fram, and rigged as a barquentine. She re-
ceived the appropriate and inspiring name of Gauss in
memory of the great German mathematician who had
done so much to promote the theory of terrestrial mag-
netism, and indirectly to foster the international rivalry
in south polar exploration sixty years before. The scien-
tific staff included as naturalist, Professor Vanhoffen,
who had been with Drygalski on his Greenland expedi-
tion and also on the Valdivia; as surgeon, Dr. Hans Ga-
zert ; as geologist, Dr. Emil Philippi, who had spent some
time with Sir John Murray in the study of deep-sea
deposits ; and as magnetician and meteorologist, Dr.
Friedrich Bidlingmaier. The captain of the ship was
under the instructions of Professor von Drygalski, as
leader of the expedition; he was Captain Flans Ruser of
the Hamburg-American line, and had accompanied the
Valdivia as first officer on her short but brilliant cruise.
The subordinate officers and crew were carefully chosen,
and ultimately there were on board five members of the
scientific staff, five officers, and twenty-two men.
The ‘‘Gauss” under Sail.
(Photograph supplied by^Professor E. von Drygalski.)
[To face p. 420.
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 421
Although there were no naval officers or men in the
party the Gauss was privileged to sail under the Imperial
ensign. She left Kiel on August nth, 1901, and made
a slow voyage to Cape Town, carrying out much valuable
oceanographical work on the way. It was not until
December 7th that the expedition left the Cape and, call-
ing at Possession Islands in the Crozets, by the way,
anchored in Royal Sound, Kerguelen Land, on the 31st.
Rabbits, descended from ancestors which came over with
the Challenger, came hopping down to the beach to wel-
come the strangers of whom they had no fear, and the
small party of German scientific men which had been
landed some months previously by a steamer chartered
in Australia were found completing their observatory.
The Gauss remained for a month and then, after calling
at Heard Island, she steered south-eastward to investi-
gate the region about 90° E., between Knox Land, the
most westerly reported with any confidence by Wilkes,
and Kemp Land. The parallel of 6o° S. was crossed on
February 12th, 1902, in 920 E., and icebergs were met
with in considerable numbers. On the 14th a sounding
was obtained in 1730 fathoms within 60 miles of the
position assigned by Wilkes to Termination Land, but a
close pack made it necessary to change the course to
southwest, and for two days progress was very slow,
and no land was seen. On the 19th soundings were
suddenly struck in only 132 fathoms and the sea was
clear of ice, except large bergs drifting before a strong
southeasterly wind.
Early on the morning of February 21st, 1902, land
was sighted, entirely covered with ice or snow and situ-
ated almost on the Antarctic circle. It lay in the direc-
tion of Wilkes’s Termination Land, but Drygalski
422 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
seemed doubtful whether it could have been visible from
the most westerly point reached by the Vincennes, and
gives it no name on his map. A severe storm came on;
ice drifted round the Gauss and held her fast; great ice-
bergs came up and ringed her round and it was impos-
sible to get forward or to go back. Preparations had
to be made for wintering in the floe. A house was built
out of solid blocks of ice to serve as a magnetic observa-
tory; an astronomical observatory was also built, and
meteorological instruments set up on the ice. After the
middle of March when the position of the ship seemed
unlikely to alter, sledging parties were sent out, and one
of these travelling southward over the ice reached the
land in three days and a half, and discovered a hill rising
black and steep above the ice fifty miles from the ship.
The height of this hill was estimated at about 1,000 feet,
and it was named the Gaussberg. March 29th was a
beautiful day, calm and clear. The captive balloon was
inflated, and Drygalski ascended to a height exceeding
1,500 feet. He remained aloft for two hours photo-
graphing the ice and examining the horizon. The high
land to the east was seen to be entirely ice-covered, and
to the south the black cone of the Gaussberg stood up
from the margin of an ice-clad land which rose behind
it to a greater elevation and extended far to east and
west. This was named Kaiser Wilhelm II. Land.
Before winter set in a band of emperor penguins ap-
peared, floundering clumsily over the ice to examine the
strange creatures who had invaded their domain. Other
sledging parties went out and crossed the floe in various
directions to the land, just entering the Antarctic region
proper which the Gauss, sealed in the floe north of the
circle, never penetrated. The winter was passed in dili-
Mt. Gauss, Kaiser Wilhelm II. Land.
(Photograph supplied by Professor E. von Drygalski.)
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 423
gent observations of all the phenomena that could be
studied. The days were short, but the party were on the
sunward side of the circle, and there was no week-long
darkness to contend with. The weather however was
very bad ; tempestuous winds raged for a week at a time,
whirling the copious snowfall in fierce blizzards, and
often threatening to tear the ship to pieces, though the
sea-ice was never cracked or even thrown into dangerous
pressure-ridges.
When spring came sledge- journeys were resumed, but
they were not for exploration so much as for research,
and the results have an importance which cannot be stated
at once. No bare land was seen except the solitary
nunatak of the Gaussberg, and when summer came all
thoughts turned to the freeing of the ship. The ice was
from 15 to 20 feet thick, and blasting made no impression
on it. A deep trough was melted in the ice to the depth
of six feet or more by the heat of the sun beating down
upon the black surface of a path of cinders that had been
spread from the ship to the edge of the floe for that
purpose, and after many days a storm came which first
freed the floe and set it adrift, then cracked it along the
sun-wrought line of weakness and the Gauss was free.
Burning the oily bodies of penguins as fuel, the ship
began to move on February 8th, 1903. For two months
she struggled in the ice, trying to work her way to the
westward through the drifting bergs and floes, and at
length in longitude 8o° E. she gave up the attempt and
struck northward into the open sea. Oceanographical
work was continued and Cape Town was not reached
until June 9th. Drygalski was anxious to spend another
season in the Antarctic in order to investigate the condi-
tions between the newly discovered Kaiser Wilhelm II.
424 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
Land and Kemp Land ; but an appeal to the authorities at
home brought in reply definite instructions to return,
and the Gauss anchored in the Elbe on November 24th,
1903. The Kerguelen party had suffered severely on
account of an outbreak of beri-beri, one of the scientific
observers died in the Isle of Desolation, and the life of
another was saved with difficulty. But the expeditions
had amply fulfilled their primary object of accumulating
collections and observations which it will take many
years to work out fully.
The first real Antarctic voyage, that of Cook in 1772,
included, it will be remembered, both German and Swed-
ish men of science, and the renewal of national Antarctic
research a century and a quarter later found the British
flag accompanied in those waters by the German and
Swedish also. Dr. Otto Nordenskjold, a nephew of the
hero of the North East Passage Baron A. E. Norden-
skiold, planned an expedition in 1899 and succeeded after
many disappointments in securing from private donors in
Sweden funds sufficient for his enterprise. He had al-
ready travelled as a geologist in the south of South
America and was anxious to extend his researches to the
land projecting from the unknown region toward Cape
Horn. He had procured the Antarctic as his ship, the
vessel which had been the first after the Erebus and
Terror to revisit Victoria Land, and had since been en-
gaged in scientific expeditions to the coast of Greenland.
As captain he was fortunate in securing the services of
C. A. Larsen who, when commanding the Jason, had
twice visited the region for which he was again bound,
and the scientific staff consisted of eight specialists, to
whom a ninth, Dr. J. Gunnar Andersson, was subse-
quently added. The expedition left Goteborg on October
GUz*
[ To /ace p. 424.
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 425
16th, 1901, visited Falmouth and then proceeded to the
South Shetlands, calling at Port Stanley in the Falklands
and at Staten Island. A young lieutenant in the Ar-
gentine navy had joined the party, and the Government
of the Argentine Republic had previously undertaken to
establish an important magnetic and meteorological ob-
servatory near Cape Horn.
The first island of the South Shetland group was
sighted on January ioth, 1902, and after running down
the west coast of Louis Philippe Land and proving that
Orleans Channel did not extend through to Weddell Sea
as D’Urville had supposed, but was merely a part of Ger-
lache Strait, the Antarctic proceeded to Weddell Sea,
and tried to get south along the coast of King Oscar II.
Land. The ice however was unfavourable, the ship
could not get near the coast, nor could she penetrate quite
as far as the Antarctic circle. On the way back Nor-
denskjold, accompanied by three members of the scien-
tific staff and two sailors, landed on February 12th on
Snow Hill Island in 64° 25' S. with material for estab-
lishing a winter house. The ship went north to carry on
researches in the open sea and return in the following
spring, and the leader saw her no more. The winter of
1902 was spent at this station, and several opportunities
for long sledge journeys with dogs were found. The
chief journey southward traversed the broad, flat belt of
ice attached to the shore of King Oscar II. Land, through
which the Seal Islands rise as nunataks. This ice was
compared by Nordenskjold to the great Southern Barrier
of Ross, though of course on a small scale, and he was
of opinion that it was formed in situ by the freezing of
sea water and the accumulation of snow. The winter
was characterised by terrible weather, a combination of
426 SIEGE OF THE SOUTH POLE
great cold and tempestuous wind which for six months
practically confined the party to their house, fortunately
a comfortable timber structure built in Sweden. Sum-
mer returned but not the ship, and a second winter, that
of 1903, had to be passed in the ice. When spring drew
near in October, 1903, Nordenskjold started with a sledge
party to explore the land to the westward round the base
of Mount Haddington. He found that the mountain
was situated on an island which he named after Ross,
and while pursuing his way along the ice of the channel
separating it from Louis Philippe Land, he suddenly
encountered two beings from whom the dogs fled howl-
ing, and the leader with difficulty recognised them as
human. They were black from head to foot, with long
black hair hanging down over their shoulders and black
bushy beards. They were Dr. J. Gunnar Andersson and
Lieutenant Duse, who had left the ship Antarctic during
the previous summer when it was clear that she could
not reach the winter camp, and endeavoured to make their
way to it on foot. They had been obliged to build a
hut to winter in, and to eke out their scanty provisions
with seal blubber which was also their only fuel. The
united party returned to Snow Hill and resumed the dili-
gent geological and natural history survey of the locality
while waiting anxiously for the ship.
On November 8th, strangers were seen approaching.
They proved to be Captain Irizar and one of the officers
of the Argentine naval vessel Uruguay who had come to
offer the party a passage home as no news of the Ant-
arctic had been received. That very night, by one of
those coincidences so improbable that fiction would
hardly dare to copy them from fact, Larsen, the captain
of the Antarctic, appeared at the camp with five of his
'O
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